Research and analysis

Rough Sleeping Questionnaire 2025: Expanded findings from free-text responses

Updated 28 May 2026

Applies to England

1. Executive summary

Background      

The Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (MHCLG) conducted research in 2025 to understand people’s experiences of rough sleeping. Research contractors Verian interviewed 1,204 participants, 966 of whom had slept rough in the previous year. The findings were then analysed by MHCLG researchers. Other reports on the findings are available at Rough sleeping questionnaire 2025: Findings.

MHCLG researchers, in conjunction with academics and other experts, designed the Rough Sleeping Questionnaire (RSQ) in 2018 and updated it in 2024. It covers topics such as housing history, support needs, and service use. While the survey mostly includes closed questions, researchers included several free‑text questions to allow participants to describe their experiences in their own words.

Methodology

Fieldwork for the study was conducted by research contractors Verian in 32 local authorities across England to ensure a wide range of geographical and demographic perspectives. Participants completed most questionnaires in day centres or hostels over 2‑week fieldwork periods, with many respondents receiving assistance from researchers. Participation was voluntary and responses were self‑reported, meaning the findings may not fully represent everyone sleeping rough, particularly as surveys were conducted in services that sometimes provide accommodation, which may influence responses about accommodation services.

Researchers collated free‑text answers and coded them through a structured qualitative process. One analyst generated initial detailed codes and then refined and organised them into broader themes. These were then quality assured by a second analyst.

Researchers then grouped themes and reviewed the responses relevant to each theme to produce the summaries, illustrative quotes, and cross cutting patterns detailed in this report.

Key findings

Participants reported a range of reasons for sleeping rough. Some reported a series of events leading to it while others focused on a single trigger. Common themes were being evicted, relationship breakdown, and losing a family member, often who owned or rented the accommodation they were living in. Other themes were losing a job and other financial triggers, and health related triggers.

Some respondents mentioned challenges accessing services due to lack of a “local connection,” unclear migration status or lack of service provision. Participants said these challenges were also a barrier to finding accommodation. Financial difficulties, the requirements of private rented sector tenancies, and poor physical and mental health were also described as barriers.

Other barriers included not meeting the right criteria for services or facing restrictions due to probation conditions. The challenges of surviving day-to-day while sleeping rough were also frequently cited as a barrier to finding housing.

Researchers also asked participants about their wider experiences of insecure housing, temporary accommodation, and sofa surfing. Some of the themes mentioned were similar to those described as barriers to finding accommodation. There were also overlapping themes in response to questions about homelessness, temporary accommodation, and sofa surfing.

Overall, respondents reported mixed experiences of wider homelessness, insecure housing, sofa surfing and accessing services. Those with less positive experiences brought up a lack of security, feeling unsafe and a lack of support. People described their experiences sofa surfing as unstable, insecure, and challenging. As summed up by one participant, it is “fragile living”.

Those who had positive experiences generally spoke highly of staff and the support they received. Participants described positive experiences with services that provided practical support with day-to-day needs, support to navigate services, and services providing accommodation. The way in which these services were delivered was also particularly important with many participants saying that the main thing that made their experience positive was staff treating them non-judgementally and kindly and being listened to. Other respondents mentioned a sense of community in support services being helpful.

Respondents who had not had positive experiences in the last year were asked what would have made their experiences better. Many responses were the inverse of those described above. Respondents described not being listened to or respected. Some reported being offered services that did not suit their circumstances or not being connected to wider services they needed.

Participants said there were a range of things that would improve their experience including services being faster and more responsive. Listening to service users and focusing on their needs. This included consistency, having the right information and ongoing support.

Participants reported a range of goals and hopes for the future. Many people focused on accommodation, especially long-term stable accommodation. Other themes were education, financial stability and improving health. Family related goals were also frequent, but not everyone who answered had goals, some didn’t see hope or liked to live in the moment.

Conclusion

Free text responses to the Rough Sleeping Questionnaire show how rough sleeping often results from multiple, interconnected challenges such as housing insecurity, family or relationship breakdowns, poor physical and mental health, experiences of abuse, financial instability, and difficulty navigating support systems. These issues frequently overlap and compound one another, particularly when grief or adverse childhood experiences are involved.

Respondents described their journeys out of homelessness as involving several stages, often complicated by interacting barriers. They emphasised that the most helpful support came from services that were practical, collaborative, flexible, non‑judgemental, and tailored to individuals’ needs.

Overall, the findings highlight the complex and interconnected nature of homelessness, underscoring the importance of stable accommodation, accessible and responsive services, and sustained, person-centred support to help people move toward long-term stability and wellbeing.

2. Background

In 2025 the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (MHCLG) conducted research into people’s experiences of rough sleeping, interviewing a total of 1,204 people, of whom 966 had slept rough in the 12 months before being surveyed (ie, since spring 2024).

Researchers at MHCLG, with input from survey experts, academics, government analysts, people with lived experience of sleeping rough, and frontline homelessness staff, first designed the Rough Sleeping Questionnaire (RSQ) in 2018, with survey fieldwork conducted in 2019-20. Researchers designed the topics and questions to provide a comprehensive understanding of respondents’ backgrounds, histories of homelessness, support needs, and public service use. They then updated it in 2024 before this research was conducted.

The survey mostly consists of closed or multiple-choice questions. Quantitative analysis of the responses can be found at Rough sleeping questionnaire 2025: Findings.  The survey also includes several free-text questions to give participants the opportunity to describe their experiences in their own words and add anything they thought was missed by the survey. These were included after the following sections:

• housing and homelessness experiences
• temporary accommodation and hostels
• health (which included physical and mental health)
• other support needs (which primarily focused on drug and alcohol misuse)

In the previous survey there was a single open question about rough sleeping experiences. This was replaced by 2 questions to capture more detail of rough sleeping experiences which were:  

• In your opinion, what are the reasons you were or are sleeping rough?
• In your opinion, what are the problems you face or faced when trying to find somewhere to stay?

Researchers also added strengths-based question about participant’s goals and hopes and the end of the questionnaire:

• We are interested in learning more about people’s hopes and future plans. What would you like to happen in the next year?

Further details of the questionnaire are available in the methodology and technical annex.

3. Methodology

Research contractors Verian conducted the fieldwork in 32 local authorities across all regions of England, facilitated through the support of local authority rough sleeping leads and local rough sleeping and homelessness services. Researchers selected these areas to obtain various perspectives from people from a wide range of geographical locations and urban sizes.

Most questionnaires were completed in day centres or hostels. On average, each wave of the fieldwork took place over a 2-week window, with researchers in the field throughout. Respondents had the option to complete the questionnaire independently or assisted by a researcher. Most respondents completed the questionnaire with at least some input from interviewers. Many of the free text responses are written in third person or include “respondent said”, indicating that they were completed with assistance.

Participation in the survey was voluntary, and all answers are self-reported. Therefore, users of these findings should note that the survey may not necessarily be a full statistical representation of people sleeping rough in England. As interviews took place in services, some of which provide accommodation this may skew the responses to the free-text questions related to accommodation. Further details on the fieldwork are available in the technical annex.

MHCLG researchers collated free text responses for each question. One analyst read the responses and identified initial granular codes relevant to each question. This analyst then re-read the sample and assigned the codes, adding additional codes where necessary. The analyst then then grouped the codes into broader themes. These groupings were then discussed with and reviewed by other analysts. The lead analyst then randomly selected a sub-sample of the responses, and a second analyst coded them using the same schema to quality assure the codes.

The lead analyst used a variation on this process for the questions about experiences of services. Qualitative response related to service experiences were analysed in depth for the 2019 Rough Sleeping Questionnaire. To save time, MHCLG analysts used the same broad codes as the basis of coding the response to these questions for the 2025 survey. Researchers were alert for any responses that did not fit these themes but did not need to introduce any further codes.

Researchers noted where responses were ambiguous and reviewed them with a second analyst. Where possible these were considered in conjunction with all relevant themes for context.

The lead analyst then grouped the responses by theme and reviewed them to draw out details. These were then summarised along with illustrative quotes in chapter 3 of this report. Some details have been removed from the quoted responses to ensure respondents cannot be identified.

Free text responses were not always specific to the question. Where themes were mentioned that were relevant to other questions, researchers noted them and included them in the analysis of the relevant topic. When similar themes have emerged, researchers grouped them with the relevant sections of the report. Due to the nature of qualitative analysis, there will always be some uncertainty in the coding of responses. Where possible the approximate proportion of respondents bringing up each theme has been included. However, due to similar themes occurring across multiple questions, and ambiguous responses, these should be treated with caution.

As each section was coded, the analyst noted any cross-cutting themes, which are reported in section 4.7.  

While not all respondents had slept rough within the last year, they all had some experience of the wider homelessness system, such as staying in hostels or emergency accommodation. Where questions were specific to types of accommodation or experiences of rough sleeping, responses were cross-checked with whether the respondent had reported experiencing that situation. All free-text responses corresponded with the participant reporting they had the relevant experience. This being the case all free-text responses were included in this analysis. Free-text responses were not analysed in conjunction with demographic characteristics, such as gender, ethnicity or health conditions for this report but analysis of relevant themes can be found in the specific topic reports such as Rough sleeping questionnaire 2025: Expanded findings on women and Rough Sleeping Questionnaire 2025: Expanded findings on mental health. Links to additional reports will be included as they are published.

4. Results

Thematic findings are presented alongside illustrative quotes. Quotes have been presented as recorded in the survey, where the researcher transcribed a response in the third person this has not been edited. Where details have been removed to preserve respondent privacy or clarifying details added this has been indicated by square brackets.

4.1 Reasons for sleeping rough

Researchers asked participants, “In your opinion, what are the reasons you were or are sleeping rough?” There were 1,113 respondents who had ever slept rough (996 had slept rough in the last year) and 1,028 answered this question. Most respondents gave short answers that described their immediate situation. The themes from these responses are detailed below.

However, some related longer histories which contributed to their situation. These usually involved experiencing an initial challenge or difficulty that then led to their situation “spiralling out of control”. One of the reasons mentioned several times was experiencing abuse or other adverse experiences in childhood. Several respondents said this led to long term difficulties for them and contributed to sleeping rough later in life. Shorter responses often also alluded to the “trigger” of rough sleeping being part of a series of interacting events. Others reported a history of limited options, mistakes and lack of support.

Some respondents reported a combination of factors rather than a single reason, especially those who gave longer answers. For example:

I lived on streets from 17-20 after leaving care system unsupported. This began a trend of having to do crime to feed and clothe myself and then caught in the drug trap.

Others described patterns such as losing their job and not having or being able to afford to replace ID. This in turn made it harder to find work and apply for benefits.

Commonly occurring themes in the responses included housing system challenges, lacking a support network, health related triggers and challenges navigating homelessness and wider services for a range of reasons.

4.1.1 Housing related triggers

One of the key themes in the responses were a range of housing related triggers to sleeping rough. Several respondents stated they had “nowhere to go” without any additional context. This could be referring to a lack of available accommodation, or broader challenges related to accessing accommodation and knowing where to go for support. Due to unclear responses such as this it may be misleading to quantify exact numbers of people bringing up each category of responses. However around one in 10 respondents mentioned what researchers interpreted as housing related reasons for sleeping rough.

Respondents commonly reported that being evicted was the reason they were sleeping rough.

He was evicted from his flat because the landlord said he wanted to sell the property, but once he was out the landlord increased the rent for other people.

I was evicted from my lifelong home.

Evicted from the previous hostel.

Some people also left their accommodation due to problems with neighbours or other service users in shared settings. Some also referred to poor quality accommodation as their reason for leaving.

I moved out of a rented flat because of the noisy neighbours but couldn’t find anywhere else to live.

Had to get out the last place, it was full of damp and land lord was not cooperative so I stop paying the rent and was evicted.

Many also mentioned that the lack of available accommodation, especially affordable accommodation was a factor. Others reported that they didn’t know where to go or what to do when they became homeless, which suggests there were prevention opportunities if information had been easier to access.

4.1.2 Difficulties accessing services and challenges with wider systemic issues.

Around one in 10 respondents described difficulties accessing services or wider systemic challenges as reasons they were sleeping rough.

Some respondents reported they were released from prison without accommodation to go to. Others reported that bail restrictions limited their options of where to go.

Bail conditions wouldn’t allow me back to an area.

Initially because I came out of prison. Lost accommodation as they could only hold it for 3 months, my remand was 4 months. No support to find housing.

In probation accommodation in [local authority A], wanted to come back to [other local authority] because it’s where I’m from, but council didn’t want to help as I was in [local authority A].

The combination of these responses suggests some gaps in the relationship between the prison discharge and housing teams (see also 4.2.6).

Some participants reported they had approached services but had not received support.

Asking for help but cannot get a place.

Waiting for the council.

Can’t get the right help.

Others reported they had previously been in care but had not been supported to transition to their own accommodation.

There is no support. When I was 16 social services dumped me. I was homeless again a week later.

Lack of support after foster care.

Some reported that they lacked a ‘local connection’ so the local authority wouldn’t help.

Lack of local connections to [location redacted].

[I’ve] moved everywhere [several locations mentioned] and then you get back here coz if you don’t have local connection, they put you back into your own area.

Some said they had limited options because of their migration status, and that this could have knock-on effects even when granted leave to remain.

Cannot work as a refugee so cannot pay rent.

Visa problem not able to stay in UK, now has permission.

4.1.3 Relationship breakdowns and loss of support network

Participants also reported relationship breakdowns, family estrangement, and loss of a support network as reasons for sleeping rough. Around a quarter of respondents mentioned reasons related to relationship breakdown or other support network challenges.

Many respondents described the loss of a family member, especially a parent. They also reported losing the accommodation they had stayed in with that person, who had either rented or owned it, which exacerbated their difficulties in responding to the loss.

Respondent had to leave her home when her husband died. There was nowhere else. Her family lives in Australia.

I stayed with mom and when she died, I had to leave.

Lost my mam and had to move out of the council property.

Life spiralled out of control after mum died.

Relationship breakdown either in in a family or a romantic partnership was another frequently reported trigger.

Split with his wife and as she had the tenancy agreement, the respondent had to leave. His visa was shortly to expire and needed changing. He didn’t have the visa therefore at that time to show landlords.

Broken relationship.

Fell out with family.

Family breakdown.

Some respondents said that their family could no longer accommodate them even if they wanted to. Other responses alluded vaguely to family or relationship conflict which could be understood as a relationship breakdown but may also have been referring to domestic violence.

4.1.4 Domestic violence and experiences of crime

Some people reported fleeing domestic violence and others had experienced cuckooing. For some this was a recent experience, however others reported this had a long-term impact on their life and was still a factor in homelessness years later. Several mentioned abusive parents as a reason for sleeping rough many years after leaving home.

Ex-partner made me feel unsafe to be at last property.

Experienced domestic violence, lost my kids and home.

Violence from dad and went rough sleeping nowhere to go.

I was abused when I was young [which] led to my mental health problems.

A few people described experiencing ‘cuckooing’, where someone took over their home to use it for criminal activity.

Drug dealer took over the property.

When released from prison, drug dealers pressured me into using my flat to wash & sell their drugs from, didn’t want to get sent back to prison for being involved with them so made myself homeless.

Experiences of abuse and crimes also sometimes exacerbated other challenges. For example, one woman stated the barrier to her finding accommodation was;

No have documents my partner burned them.

Around one in 20 people mentioned violence and exploitation as reasons for sleeping rough. Some other responses may have been alluding to these issues. In the quantitative responses 10% of respondents reported experiencing domestic violence within the last year, and 8% said they had left their last settled accommodation for safety reasons.

4.1.5 Employment and finance related reasons

A strong theme was the respondent losing their job which led to sleeping rough. This was occasionally a job with tied accommodation but usually people reported being unable to afford rent. Some also said that benefits were not sufficient to pay their rent.

No job, no house, I’m [too] disabled to find a job, not enough benefits to support myself.

I could not afford to pay my rent as I had lost my job.

As before, all the obstacles renting privately, too expensive, discrimination against claimants and uc too low to pay rent and not being eligible for social housing. I was evicted from private renting because my landlords mortgage went up and the rent went up and the uc would not pay the rent, on uc so it was unaffordable.

Nearly one in 5 respondents mentioned these themes in the free text responses. This is a similar proportion to those who reported that the reason for leaving their last settled accommodation was not being able to afford it.

4.1.6 Health related triggers

Respondents also said that physical and/or mental ill health and substance use were reasons for sleeping rough. Sometimes these difficulties were combined or interacted with other challenges such as financial issues. Responses frequently indicated that mental ill health and substance use both contributed to and were exacerbated by housing instability and rough sleeping.

My mental health issues mean I can’t get a job.

I was a drug addict and drinking, it was my fault as I paid for drugs instead of paying for rent.

Mental and physical health issues - needed time away from formal help/housing.

These themes as reasons for rough sleeping were mentioned by around in one in 10 respondents. Health issues more broadly were very common among respondents with 83% reporting mental ill health, 80% reporting physical health issues and 54% reporting a substance misuse issue.

Overall participants reported a wide range of reasons for sleeping rough. Some were directly related to housing, such as being evicted, while others were due to wider challenges with relationships, abuse, health, and unemployment. Often several factors were involved which exacerbated each other, such as a violent ex-partner destroying documents which then made it difficult to access benefits and other services. While most of these themes were present in the quantitative results, the relationship between loss of accommodation, support network and grief was notable as a pattern that emerged strongly in the free-text responses. Another notable pattern was the relationship between health issues and other triggers.

4.2 Barriers to finding accommodation

Participants were asked “In your opinion, what are the problems you face or faced when trying to find somewhere to stay?” 971 people gave a response to this question. Most responses were a sentence or two long. Common themes were financial and housing access barriers, barriers related to support services, administrative barriers, health related barriers and having a history of offending behaviour. Others reported the challenges of surviving day-to-day were a barrier.

4.2.1 Support service barriers

Around a quarter of participants reported that difficulties engaging with or not getting support from their council or other services was a key barrier. Several people said that the council had turned them away. There were several reasons given for this, including the service saying that there was no violence against the respondent, when the respondent had reported domestic violence. Others said they were “not a priority”. Some reported that they were unable to prove they were homeless, or that they “didn’t meet the criteria” for some or all services. Several respondents mentioned challenges related to being “verified” as rough sleeping.

Either not high risk or too high risk. Don’t drink enough or too much for funding.

Some respondents said they felt unsafe in some shelters, hostels, and services. They said this was being due to substance misuse in the facilities, or the presence of drug dealers attempting to sell to service users. On the other hand, some respondents with drug or alcohol problems reported that this had led to them being kicked out of services, rather than being able to access treatment. Several people from both groups reflected that there is “no one size fits all” for services.

Need to be clean before going in hostel. Not fair on the ones that are clean or just become clean.

Some participants reported that they did not know where to go or what to do when they became homeless. Some suggested better advertising of services.

Not knowing procedures. Put name down but didn’t realise I needed a referral.

Not enough information about where to get help.

I didn’t know where to go or who to turn to.

Accessibility, there needs to be more services to support homeless also not advertised enough.

A few respondents noted that some of this may be due to there being too few staff, or the staff having previously been abused by other clients.

The indifference of the council in the past as so many people who were drunk and abusive. You get tarred with the same brush. My drug habit as so many in this town the services get overwhelmed.

Several respondents mentioned they saw the system as being unfair or reported experiencing discrimination.

The councils are not giving accommodation to the homeless.

Evicted and council said left voluntarily which isn’t the case.

The councils have properties, but they are all empty.

The council are picking and choosing who gets their properties.

Because of I am single not many support available.

My current situation with visa doesn’t allow me to find housing. People prioritise British people when I asked for help.

Not enough places available at reasonable cost and priority given to migrants.

4.2.2 Financial exclusion and Private Rented Sector barriers

As with reasons for sleeping rough, participants often reported that financial circumstances were a barrier to finding accommodation. Themes related to this were brought up by about a quarter of the respondents. This included having difficulty with benefits, losing their job, or having debts or previous rental arrears which made it hard to get a new tenancy.

Previous housing associations don’t wish to house you if you’re in rent arrears.

Participants also mentioned financial issues could compound other problems. For example not having phone credit to contact services and look for work. They also frequently said they had been unable to access benefits, a bank account or find work without having an address.

Income. I have no ID so can’t get job. And I need to pay for any ID, eg passport.

Participants mentioned the barriers to securing a private rental tenancy in particular, many of which were financial. Several stated they did not have a deposit, rent in advance or someone to act as a guarantor. Respondents also said that landlords may not want to rent to people who are currently homeless and/or won’t take on people receiving benefits. Respondents also reported that the cost of renting was a barrier.

It is too expensive and he had no money for the deposit.

There are no landlords prepared to take on poorer people.

Rent private they want 3 months an advance, some wants guarantor, landlords don’t trust homeless they think we going wreck the place.

Landlords not accepting universal credit beneficiary.

A few respondents mentioned the challenges of finding accommodation broadly or a space in a hostel with a pet. Many respondents said the overall lack of accommodation availability was a barrier along with specifically the availability of affordable accommodation. Respondents also cited the limited availability of social housing, housing specifically for homeless people and spaces for people with specific challenges, or disability accessible housing as barriers.

Deposit and guarantor and not able to have pets.

Need housing allowing dogs and at an affordable rent.

Financial difficulty, discrimination because of employment, competitiveness of the rental market.

There are not enough affordable properties available.

I have mobility issues and lack of financial support.

4.2.3 Day-to-day challenges

More broadly, around one in 20 people reported experiencing discrimination or judgment as a barrier. Some reported that they faced this in a range of settings, including trying to rent in the private sector, when on the streets, or when trying to access services. Sometimes this included services aimed at people sleeping rough.

People don’t value you because you are homeless.

People judge me because of my mental health issues.

I feel that I get viewed and treated unfairly because of my past.

Some respondents focused more on the barriers they encountered to getting by day-to-day and staying safe while sleeping rough. These included encountering violence and abuse, having belongings stolen and maintaining hygiene.

Can’t wash properly, it’s colder outside, changing of clothes, looking for somewhere new to stay.

Women reported that they encountered men who wanted to have sex with them, either in exchange for help or just because they were vulnerable. Several people mentioned the physical challenges of not having somewhere safe to go.

Somewhere safe and dry is not available.

Things being wet, being disturbed when asleep. Glass out down where I sleep.

As well as being day to day challenges, respondents identified these issues as barriers to looking for more stable accommodation.

Last thing on my mind when I was living in temporary places and moving about.

Trying to find somewhere [to stay] at same time as finding food, is tough.

4.2.4 Administrative and related barriers

Around one in 20 respondents reported challenges with completing paperwork and other administrative tasks and understanding their options. Some identified that this was due to a learning difficulty or limited reading skills. Participants said that ADHD and other conditions made it more challenging to keep appointments. Some also reported a language barrier to seeking support.

Paperwork, admin, red tape and no local connections.

Dyslexic, I miss appointments, get confused, no phone.

My English is not good, so I have problems getting help.

Some responses mentioned the challenges in transitioning from asylum accommodation to mainstream services when granted leave to remain.

Received a letter from [provider name] ASYLUM ACCOMMODATION where I was living to leave because my asylum was granted and I’m now a refugee. They told me to go and find accommodation somewhere else without any reason.

4.2.5 Health related barriers

Participants also reported a range of barriers related to their physical and mental health. These themes came up in around one in 10 responses. These included conditions such as anxiety and depression making it hard to seek help. Some people reported physical challenges accessing services or having to wait for accessible accommodation. Others reported that they were struggling with substance use disorders and that this was a barrier to finding accommodation. Some reported that previous untreated mental health issues had led to bans from services.

His mental health took over and he found it difficult to ask for help.

Struggle to speak to people. Have anxiety and depression and find it difficult to sleep with people I don’t know and it’s mixed.

I am a paranoid schizophrenic so it is difficult to find work.

I am a wheel chair user and find it hard to find accessible accommodation.

Some participants reported they found it found it difficult to ask for help. Some said they had made mistakes or that they had got used to their situation.

Embarrassed, not knowing who to talk to, people push you from one place to another and you don’t know who to turn to, you can get depressed.

It’s my choice I am sleeping rough. My shared house is too isolated and too far away from everything. I am in a wheelchair and find it difficult to get to places.

Difficult to approach people regarding staying somewhere.

My own mind set.

4.2.6 Offending history

A few people reported barriers including having an offending history which made it harder to find work and to get support from some services.

My background hinders me. I have been to prison and this stops me getting to where I want to be. They judge you before they get to know you.

Cas 3 [accommodation] I knew I was safe but council contact was a nightmare. Had to get taxis been in prison 40 years so all different for me.

4.3 Wider experiences of homelessness and insecure housing

Participants reported a range of wider experiences of homelessness and rough sleeping. Many had been in some form of hostel (58%) emergency accommodation (38%), or other temporary accommodation (18%). Sofa surfing was also common with 58% of people saying they had stayed temporarily with family or friends and 23% said they had lived in a caravan or squat.

After a series of closed questions about their experiences of homelessness, researchers asked participants, “If you would like to add any other information about your experience in insecure accommodation, please write in below.” There were 274 people who responded to this. After further questions about temporary accommodation participants were asked “If you would like to add any information about your experiences of short term and temporary accommodation please write in below.” There were 234 responses to this question. Researchers also asked participants closed questions about their experiences of sofa surfing and “If you would like to add any information about your experiences of sofa surfing, please write in below.” 188 respondents added additional information.

Many of the responses to these questions covered similar themes to those in the previous section, so they have not been repeated here. These included difficulties accessing services, relationship breakdowns, financial barriers, and housing related barriers. Some additional themes emerged, and there were overlaps between the themes in response to those 3 questions, so they have been combined below. As these themes are mentioned across several questions the proportion of respondents reporting each theme has not been quantified.

4.3.1 Experiences of temporary accommodation

Participants described a range of settings when asked about temporary accommodation. Some referred to night shelters while others referred to hostels or other temporary settings. They also reported a wide range of experiences, some finding the settings secure and helpful while others mentioned being in places which were dirty, insecure, or unsafe.

Several participants talked about cold weather provision specifically. They said that, while it was a relief to have shelter in the worst weather, it was only for a few days, so it did not give them a base to begin to address other challenges. Similarly, those in winter night shelters mentioned being moved around a lot and finding the short-term, unstable nature of the service frustrating.

More broadly, one of the themes participants brought up most frequently was the short-term nature of temporary accommodation in all forms including hostels as a challenge.

Hostels only seem to let us stay there during cold weather.

They are only short stay, which is of no use to homeless people.

Mentally draining, just waiting, don’t know what will happen, makes it hard to get a proper job.

Relief to be here although temp.

Been able to be into a place like a hostel and never experienced anything as bad as sleeping outside but still feel hurt and empty.

Several respondents said that the uncertainty was made worse by the lack of long-term accommodation available. They said that even with support there was not a guarantee they would find somewhere stable to live.

They help, but don’t offer a secure property.

Others reported a lack of support available while in temporary accommodation. In some cases, respondents mentioned this in the context of staff and services not having capacity to respond to people with complex mental health conditions.

They have all been pretty good but the difficulty is being left to your own devices. No one to talk to, to get you back on the right track.

The system lets people down including me makes you go round in a vicious circle.

I was refused because of my mental health and they couldn’t provide it. I need someone 24 hours a day with me or I will try and kill myself.

With mental health problems I am asked to leave because of my attitude and not engaging with the staff. Not aware of my actions.

Others reported that they found it difficult to comply with the rules of the temporary accommodation and this led to problems. Or that the rules made it a difficult place for them to stay.

[Expletive]. They have their rules which is fair enough. They need to work [with] us and listen to us. It has to be their way or no way.

I took drugs and was asked to leave.

I got asked to leave because I brought alcohol into my room.

Others reported unsuitable conditions in some temporary accommodation.

There’s no clean water dispensers. Heating problems. Sanitary conditions are bad. No water tests for Legionella.

The facilities are very poor, can’t wash properly.

Good but a lot of them are filthy.

Place was mouldy and disgusting.

Multiple respondents stated that the communal nature of many temporary accommodation settings was challenging. They said there was a mix of people including those with mental ill health, and substance use issues that led to respondents feeling unsafe. This was especially the case when participants had recently ceased using drugs and wanted to avoid triggers and temptation. Some also reported theft and feeling at risk of assault in some settings.

Sometimes the other homeless can be difficult to get on with.

Hostels have some questionable characters living in there - but the facilities are fine and reasonably clean. It would be a nicer place if people were more accountable including people looking for fights. The questionable characters are mainly residents. Staff are positive influence.

If you have a drug problem it’s hard to get away from it.

I strongly believe that there should be wet and dry houses because if you are an ex-addict, drugs and alcohol, you don’t want to be back around addicts. Also to access services you need a local connection, friend or family in the area.

On the other hand, many respondents mentioned positive experiences of temporary accommodation. They reported being glad to have a roof over their heads, warmth, and access to services. This was especially the case when respondents described services as safe, supportive, and understanding.

They more helpfully to get my ID. Also they good dealing with bureaucracy to get accommodation.

Staff has been brilliant we’re having a banter and very helpful and I can’t complain about anyone.

It’s been good that I have been signposted to other services, I have offered various opportunities, socialise and learn new skills, lots of people around not everyone gets, feels a bit institutionalised.

Some respondents appreciated staff managing tricky situations:

The staff do a brilliant job who have to put up with abusive behaviour, including my own when I was [badly injured] because I had been using drugs and off me head. But the staff said it was out of character and are always so kind. They have to put up with [a lot] and are always fantastic.

Further detail of positive experiences with services, and service user suggestions for improvement are included in section 4.5.

Overall respondents reported mixed experiences in temporary accommodation. Those that were positive generally spoke highly of staff and the support they received. Those with less positive experiences described a lack of security, feeling unsafe and a lack of support.

4.3.2 Sofa surfing

Respondents reported a range of experiences while sofa surfing, but there were common themes. Most mentioned the short term and uncertain nature of staying with family or friends, and how, while this was better than sleeping rough, it was unstable and insecure.

Horrible way to live, can’t progress in life, you feel like you are in someone else way all the time.

It’s bad it’s not your space putting stress on others family it is not nice.

Many reported feeling grateful for having somewhere to stay but feeling bad or embarrassed about imposing on their friends or family. This was especially the case if the person they were staying with had children. Many said they felt like a burden. Another common theme was being unable to settle because it was not their “own place.”

Appreciate the help, only short term.

Not very comfortable, if they children and it’s embarrassing to be there. I feel uneasy.

It’s not great, love people doing it but it is an imposition, they don’t say but you don’t feel settled, can’t relax, I feel I have to leave or the give hints and I have to go back on streets.

Sometimes this sense of embarrassment extended to not wanting their family or friends to know they were homeless, and so not asking for help.

Didn’t make other people aware I was homeless - didn’t know how to get support or feel I could.

Others reported staying with strangers or acquaintances rather than family or friends. Some found strangers more helpful than friends, but others felt unsafe in this setting. Several people reported being in situations that were abusive and exploitative, or which let to them relapsing on substances because they were staying with people who were using.

People who help me who stranger they more helpfully then my family.

It costs me too much money. They only let you stay if you have money for drugs. You think they are your friends but they aren’t really.

Friends who are drug users when I come out clean and end up taking drugs again.

Not very secure as you get sexually harassed.

Many people reported that their experiences depended on their relationship with their hosts, but that sofa surfing could also damage these relationships.

It is just comes between the friendship and you cannot stay for long.

Not good. You fall out with your friends cause it’s their place. Like walking on egg shells.

Some respondents mentioned practical advantages to sofa surfing as they didn’t need to claim housing benefit and could work without having to manage changing levels of benefits paid through universal credit. However, others reported that there were barriers to staying with family or friends as it could impact the host’s tenancy or their benefit claims.

When your friends are on benefits you jeopardise their tenancy if you stay for more than one night.

Some also reported they found it more difficult to access services while sofa surfing as support services treated them as if they had accommodation.

It’s good for a while but doesn’t help you in the long run, means you are not treated as a priority by the homeless services, you have to be sleeping rough.

Overall people’s experiences sofa surfing were unstable, insecure, and challenging. As summed up by one participant it is “fragile living”.

4.4 Experiences of mental and physical health services and substance use services

The vast majority of respondents reported other support needs beyond rough sleeping. Around 80% had a physical and/or a mental health support need. Long term physical impairment, illness or disability (58%) and substance misuse support needs (52%) were also common.

There were 233 participants who provided additional comments on their experience of health services (physical and/or mental health) and 137 provided additional comments on their experiences with substance use and treatment services. Participants mentioned a range of themes, some described positive experiences while others struggled to access the appropriate support.

 Respondents frequently brought up the relationship between mental health, substance misuse, and homelessness. Half of the respondents who had slept rough in the past year reported both a substance use and mental health support need. Sometimes, they mentioned the relationship between these conditions in conjunction with a lack of join-up between services.

Feel there should be more support for you for other services such as housing when in getting health treatments.

There is a long wait to access mental health services, more are needed. Also, lots of homeless people have these issues. They should be helped by being housed in mental health facilities where they could get help.

The mental health therapy has helped me a lot with drinking and my depression.

I was offered a placement for intensive alcohol stoppage but as no address when finishing the programme was declined due to being homeless and lack of housing and resources. In the past I have had alcoholic seizures and needed support if you are in a tent. There was no cohesion of support with drink and drugs as it needs to be a package as its stems to childhood trauma which it stems from. I’m on my own to help me.

It [substance use] helps me sleep and forget.

I smoke weed to calm my ADHD [attention deficit hyperactivity disorder].

The support is good, but takes a long time to get the ball rolling, until especially the alcohol for me is the problem, they want to address this first but not my mental health, when my mental health was contributing to the alcoholism, the treatment does not seem to be joined up.

Several respondents mentioned the importance of stable accommodation for treatment and recovery.

I need my own property to help with my mental health.

Now more settled in accommodation and feel I can get alcohol under control.

Some respondents said that navigating the benefits system was particularly difficult due to mental health conditions including ADHD, depression, and anxiety. Others reported that paranoia makes it difficult to engage with services.

Mental health state makes it hard to make good choices about my future.

For me working full time was easier than dealing with benefits. It’s so hard to do the benefits with anxiety and ADHD. So, I went back to work and tried to cope with my mental health. I was up and down, just managing to keep ahead of things. The last time I couldn’t bounce back. I did 40 hours, got paid and I didn’t have to speak to anyone.

Respondents described several practical barriers to accessing support. This included service staff not taking them seriously or not getting care because they were assumed to be seeking a bed for the night. Other barriers were struggling to get registered with GP or being registered a long way from where they were based or staying. As with previous sections participants mentioned language barriers when communicating with services.

Sometimes it is hard to get proper help. Difficult to get appointment. As he is homeless it is difficult to get to an appointment as he is registered 20 miles from where he is currently based.

It’s difficult, in last 3 months, at [location redacted] hospital, if ask for help with mental health you are not believed and end feeling worse for asking, and my problem isn’t serious, didn’t refer me or provide any other help with accessing my services.

Some respondents mentioned barriers in relation to health services that are likely to have wider impacts too.

My basic needs have not been supported. Can’t read and write.

I find it difficult to explain my feelings and problems in English that is good enough to understand.

Some reported that experiences with these services as a child continued to have an impact as an adult.

CAMHS [Children and adolescent mental health services] have never properly diagnosed me they just said that I am disturbed young boy they did not want to label me however I feel that I need to know if there are issues with. Proper diagnosis as I do not understand the way I tick never been given results which I feel is bad. (respondent now in their 30s).

Respondents also cited funding issues, and limited support availability as barriers.

Mental health treatment waiting lists are getting longer and longer.

Mental health system is massively underfunded. Need more specialists.

Some respondents mentioned the way services were delivered made a difference to their experience.

Everybody needs to care a little more and understand that people have their own way of living and not jump to conclusions without knowing the full facts.

Similar themes were brought up more broadly in relation to positive experiences of services and what could be improved (for more see section 4.5). Additional findings on mental health and substance use are available in the expanded findings on mental health report Rough Sleeping Questionnaire 2025: Expanded findings on mental health - GOV.UK.

4.5 Positive experiences and what would have made it better

Participants were asked “Thinking about the last year, can you think of a time when you had a positive experience using services?”  Those who said yes (590 people, 49% of respondents) were asked “What made it a positive experience?” and 556 people gave free-text responses. Those who said, “no,” “I don’t know,” or didn’t wish to say (614 people, 51% of respondents) were asked “What would have improved your experience?” and 240 gave free text responses.

The main aspects of positive experiences with services were similar to those detailed in the qualitative analysis of the responses to the 2019 Rough Sleeping Questionnaire. These were practical support with day-to-day needs, support to navigate services, and providing accommodation.

The way in which staff deliver these services was also especially important, with many participants reporting that the main thing that made their experience positive was being treated non-judgementally, kindly and being listened to. Others said that they appreciated a sense of community in support services. Many respondents described a combination of some or all these factors.

4.5.1 Practical support

Practical support with day-to-day needs included providing, food, showers, clothes, and laundry facilities. Other support included assistance with paperwork and filling in forms, directions, and information. When people were moving into longer term accommodation, they also specified getting practical support with furnishing and utilities. Around a third of participants mentioned practical support as a positive, and a quarter brought up services providing accommodation as a positive.

Really helpful here with food showers clothing.

Quite a few homeless organisations have supported me. Food and clean clothes available. Advice and support.

Services like this one are essential to people like myself as they offer showers, food, and company.

Homeless drop in centre which provides breakfast and clothes and helps with filling in forms.

Some of this practical support was part of wider support to navigate services which included making referrals, accompanying people to appointments, and providing encouragement.

The staff at homeless shelters are very useful in offering, or pointing out, various services available to homeless people.

My key worker is phenomenal in getting me all the help I need.

4.5.2 How services are delivered.

The way support services were provided was as important as what was provided. Around a third of participants mentioned this. Providing these services with kindness, non-judgementally and listening to what participants wanted was also key to positive experiences. Flexibility, availability, and responsiveness of the service were other elements which supported positive experiences.

I felt I had a voice.

He felt like the worker wanted to help, he trusted him, valued the connection.

Homeless centre / stops self-harming and is open 7 days. Respondent feels safe here and he can speak to who he wants to as opposed to those he doesn’t want to.

Fast help, explaining.

[name of service redacted] set me up with doctors and let me have a shower, food advise and I found them to be extremely good professionals and genuinely good people.

Felt like people were listening to me in the [name of service redacted], got cup of tea and toast, and had opportunity to speak with drug workers homeless workers as they all went there.

Amazing support from staff, feel safe and getting access to help with drug use and training courses.

[name of service redacted] making me welcome, food, clothes, shower.

Have a laugh at [name of service redacted] Life saver Provide food Provide sleeping bags Advice Company.

4.5.3 What could make services better.

About half (51%) of the respondents said they had not had positive experiences with services within the last year. Respondents described not being listened to or respected. Some reported they were offered services that did not suit their circumstances or that they were not connected to wider services they needed.

Those who answered the question brought up a range of things that would improve their experience, including services being faster and more responsive. Others mentioned staff listening to service users and focusing on their needs. More or better support was a common theme. This included consistency from staff, having the right information and ongoing support.

People listening to me and understanding my needs.

Someone who could look at my situation in detail and follow up contact.

If they listen to us. Honesty is best policy. They always say “yeah yeah” we’ll deal with that problem later but then don’t.

To be more helpful there and then when speak to them instead of just saying to do this and then come back then etc.

Someone actually listening and giving me a chance, not judging me on my background. They judge me [on] my drug problem. Judge before I try. That knocks me back tremendously. Give me the chance so I can prove myself, that we are not all the same, all tarred the same. Would love to have my own key, to be able to have a chance and not be looked like a rat in the gutter. Being homeless does not mean I’m a bad person.

A frequently reported theme was that there need to be a range of different services to suit people in different situations, summed up as “One size does not fit all.”

Council need to more understand individual circumstances and people backgrounds.

Others said that better join-up would improve services.

Don’t openly frustrated me by making me jump through hoops. The services are inadequate and not coordinated to match the need and too much confusion. The system overloads itself with asking too many questions.

Some people said they wanted more help with specific challenges:

I do not speak good English, so I needed a translator.

Participants also reported wider challenges around accommodation availability and tenure, and that improving this would lead to a better experience.

Permanent place to go.

[If they] found me somewhere to stay or live.

Getting a permanent place to live.

Several people said they thought that funding limitations and a lack of affordable housing were barriers to services improving their offer.

I don’t think there is anything they can do to help because there are no affordable houses.

Some respondents mentioned a perception that some groups did not get support.

[Being] offered any help at all. As a single bloke you don’t get any help.

Overall, participants reported a range of experiences. Many had positive experiences of practical support for a range of areas, being listened to and being treated non-judgementally. Those who did not have positive experiences said services could improve by being more responsive, and faster, having better join-up, and flexibility.

4.6 Participants’ hopes and plans

At the end of the survey researchers asked participants, “we are interested in learning more about people’s hopes and future plans. What would you like to happen in the next year?” the vast majority of participants (97%) gave an answer. There were a range of themes in the responses, some short term, others longer term. Many people focused on accommodation. Other themes were education, financial stability and improving health. Family related goals were also frequent, but not everyone who answered had goals.

4.6.1 Accommodation

More than half of the respondents mentioned stable accommodation as their first goal, often in the context of having their “own” place and having independence. However, there were also some that expressed a preference for sheltered or supported accommodation. In this circumstance respondents often said they wanted to have long term stability and a level of self-containment or a place they could call their “own” within a supported environment.

Where respondents were in hostels or temporary accommodation, they often reported their goal was long term or permanent accommodation and often that it was their “own” or self-contained.

Planning to have a permanent place to stay without the risk of being evicted.

Like to have settled housing.

I would love a flat to call my own.

Wishes she had her own front door with a key.

I would like to live in a sheltered accommodation unit.

To have my own house within supported accommodation.

Where people reported several goals, they generally mentioned accommodation first, before education, training or treatment for physical health, mental health or substance use conditions.

Want a roof over my head that is the only thing I need, it will change my life, can’t do training courses or job interviews but without a house nobody takes me on.

Have plumber qualifications so I can set up a business more importantly have a home.

I would like to get somewhere permanent, then I could start work full time.

I’d like a stable home, teeth, better mental health, and life.

Be in permanent accommodation, my own flat, engage with mental health and drug services.

While accommodation was the highest priority for many people, many of them combined this with a desire for a safe area, and/or being near family, friends, and support networks. This sometimes involved leaving the area they were currently in.

Move closer to my family and find work or to study.

Housed back in my home town.

4.6.2 Education, training, and employment

Another strong theme, mentioned by around one in 5 respondents was employment. Participants often brought this up in conjunction with additional education and training.

To get a job or do some training. Want to do some volunteering to keep myself busy then I won’t self-harm.

My plan is to get a job by getting some training. Hoping to have interviews. Securing a job is my main priority.

Working and living in my own accommodation.

For some respondents addressing health conditions or other issues came first with employment being a longer-term goal.

To get better so I can work again.

I want to stay clean and eventually get a job.

Trying to sort mental health and finally get a job.

Among people who mentioned employment, getting stable, reliable long-term work was usually specified as their goal. However, others said they wanted to start their own business or do delivery gig work.

Wish to get a permanent job.

Have a stable job and roof on my head.

Get a house get back working and start saving for my business, fashion based business.

I want to get settled in my home and get back into work for delivery for [food delivery app].

4.6.3 Benefits and financial stability

Some respondents reported their goal is to apply for appropriate benefits, especially if they were experiencing health issues.

I would like to get UC, so that I can buy my own food and clothing.

Need to try and get PIP [personal independence payment] as I now have COPD [chronic obstructive pulmonary disease].

I would really like to get into the property I have been offered, but it won’t happen until the Housing Benefit gets sorted out.

Others said they wanted to be free from debt or that they needed a level of financial stability before being able to make plans.

I need to get some money before I can even start to make plans.

Respondents sometimes mentioned longer term saving and financial stability in conjunction with employment and training goals, or with getting accommodation.

Work to make money to give security.

Get my own place & save up my money.

4.6.4 Practical steps and assistance

Some respondents focused on more immediate needs that would be helpful such as a bus pass, or opening a bank account. Or things like getting a driver’s licence or access to a car which would then facilitate attending appointments and finding a job.

Find somewhere to live and open bank account.

Be settled in my own house, have a job and get my driving licence.

Some respondents said that their goal was to regularise their migration status and get the appropriate documents. Others who had their ID stolen or lost it were keen to get new ID.

Get my visa and decision from home office.

I want to get my citizenship and then I can work legally.

Leave UK or have status settled.

4.6.5 Health and wellbeing

Health and wellbeing were other strong themes, mentioned by around one in 10 people. Participants reported goals or hopes that their physical and mental health would improve.

I would like my knees to get better, and after my life can be more settled.

To be fully assessed by the mental health team and my back is okay and free from drugs.

He would like to have his hernia fixed.

He would like to be healthier so he can go back to work.

Some said they wanted to access substance misuse treatment. Others stated that they had already engaged with treatment and that their goals were to “stay clean” or “stay sober.” Respondents described addressing their substance use in several ways. Some said they either wanted to get clean or sober, while for others the priority was harm minimisation, or cutting down use or accessing rehab or other treatment services. Several also said that they were sober, or no longer using drugs and one of their goals was to maintain this.

Get clean and move away from temptations.

I want to stay sober, find a job, and eventually move on with my own flat.

4.6.6 Family related goals

Family was a frequent theme in responses, also mentioned by around one in 10 people. For some their goal was to maintain existing relationships and have somewhere family can visit them. Others wanted to reunite with a child or children, or a partner. Still others had future aspirations for starting relationships and building family. A few said they were refugees who had to leave family members behind and wanted to bring them to the UK.

Stay together with family who is [in redacted city].

I would like my children to come to live with me, as they are currently living with my mum.

To be treated and able to work, bring my wife from [overseas] to UK.

Get a house, meet someone, girlfriend.

I want a stable work and start a family.

4.6.7 Broader hopes and goals.

Some respondents, around one in ten, mentioned less tangible goals including happiness and having hope. Other less tangible goals included “doing something positive” and “feel like I’m making a difference.” Several also said they wanted to “get [their] life back together” but didn’t elaborate on what this would look like for them. Others had broad but less optimistic goals such as “surviving.”

Broad hopes were sometimes associated with more tangible goals including stable accommodation and reuniting with family members. A couple of respondents looked at the bigger picture, but still focused on accommodation:

World peace, housed as well.

Solve hunger and homelessness.

I would like to open up my own supported accommodation for the homeless but I need a permanent place first to live.

Some respondents also expressed a desire for a financial windfall or lottery win, although one then clarified they don’t play the lottery. Others said they would like to see more support for homelessness charities, especially from “footballers and celebrities.”

Some participants reported goals of raising awareness of homelessness issues generally, or for specific groups such as parents. They often mentioned this in conjunction with a personal goal such as reconnecting with their child/ren.

More of an understanding of homelessness help for people that are NOT alcohol dependent. support for at least a year for helping a person to remain out of homelessness.

Mental health awareness on homelessness people.

Several people expressed a desire to get a pet, or to travel, often once they had established a stable base.

Finish paying for my van & use it for work and a mobile home, travel up north, visit Ireland etc.

I would like a week in Barbados. I would like job, home car.

Place to live. Get sick pay. Have a normal life. Have a dog.

4.6.8 Not everyone had goals.

Not all participants said that they had goals. For some this was because they liked to live in the moment, but for others it was because they didn’t see any hope.

Nothing, it’s pointless.

Doesn’t think like that and takes each day as it comes. Sleeping rough means he is free. It is like letting a bird out of the cage.

Some had hopes, such as finding accommodation, but if unsuccessful implied that returning to prison would be an improvement on their current situation.

Get a house or go back to prison.

A few respondents said their goal was to not take “handouts” although some noted they needed to for the time being. Respondents also expressed that they did not expect to find themselves in “this situation” when asked about their hopes and plans.

Overall participants often focused on accessing stable accommodation. Other themes were education, employment and financial stability, improving health and wellbeing and developing and improving relationships. These goals were sometimes described as part of a sequence or journey, and challenges within the journey were mentioned. Others didn’t have goals or had hopes for the wider homelessness system.

4.7 Cross-cutting themes and patterns

The free text questions prompted descriptions from many respondents of having to complete several steps in order to resolve their rough sleeping. For example, starting with part time work and moving to full time. Or undertaking volunteering, training, or study before employment. There was a strong theme that accommodation is the first step before other things like work and treatment can be considered, but not always. Some mentioned that their more immediate goals would lead to longer term ones such as finding work, which would enable them to save money, and in turn have longer term financial security.

Some respondents said they wanted accommodation and/or a job as they believed that it would help their mental health or help them to stop substance use. However, these respondents also noted that mental ill health and substance use sometimes make it more challenging to maintain a tenancy or employment.

Participants brought up stability and permanency in several sections of the survey. Mostly in relation to accommodation but also employment and relationships. Of those who mentioned finding employment, several expressed that they wanted a stable or permanent job, often as this made Universal Credit and housing benefit easier to navigate.

Grief also came up across the free text responses. This was often in the context of losing someone who had cared about or been a carer for the respondent and who the respondent had lived with. Several people said they had lost their accommodation and their support network at the same time when a key person in their life passed away.

Another common theme was participants reporting that they had experienced abuse during childhood, that it had a long-term impact, and interacted with other challenges such as mental ill health, substance use, and offending behaviour. Some participants also reported other adverse childhood experiences and experiencing mental ill health when young.

5. Conclusion

The free-text responses to the rough sleeping questionnaire provide a rich understanding of the pathways into, and triggers of rough sleeping along with the barriers to finding accommodation and accessing support services. Across the survey participants reported a range of interlinked challenges including housing insecurity, relationship breakdowns, health conditions, experiences of abuse, financial instability, and difficulties navigating support systems.

Many participants reported that there were several steps on their journey out of homelessness, but that some of the challenges they faced could interact and make the process more challenging. This was especially the case where grief or adverse childhood experiences compounded other challenges.

Participants said practical support and services which collaborated with each other to support people were the most helpful. Services delivering flexibly, non-judgementally and tailoring support to the individual made a substantial difference to participants.

Overall, these findings highlight the interconnected nature of homelessness and rough sleeping and the need for non-judgmental, flexible, person-centred support. They underline the importance of stable accommodation, accessible services, and sustained, joined up interventions that respond to individual circumstances. The voices captured in this analysis offer valuable insight into how systems can better support people both out of homelessness and toward long‑ term‑ security and wellbeing.