Guidance

Country policy and information note: political parties and affiliation, Pakistan, February 2026 (accessible)

Updated 5 February 2026

Version 3.0, February 2026

Executive summary

Pakistan’s political system formally allows party registration and electoral participation with few legal barriers. While opposition parties contest elections, military influence significantly shapes electoral competition and governance.

Corruption remains pervasive, involving bribery, nepotism, and patronage. Accountability bodies have been used selectively for political purposes. Under Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s (PTI) tenure (2018 to 2022), led by Imran Khan, senior members of opposition parties faced corruption charges. Similar tactics targeted PTI leaders after Khan was removed as Prime Minister through a vote of no-confidence in April 2022.

In October 2022, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) disqualified Imran Khan from office for 5 years. Ahead of the February 2024 elections, PTI candidates were barred from using their party name and symbol, forcing them to run as independents. Despite these restrictions, PTI-backed independents won the most seats, but Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) formed a coalition government. Observers widely deemed the elections neither free nor fair.

Pakistan’s constitution guarantees freedoms of expression and assembly, yet these rights are repeatedly curtailed. PTI leaders and supporters have faced mass arrests and intimidation since Khan’s removal from office. Khan himself was arrested in May 2023 and sentenced to 14 years in prison in January 2025. In August 2025, 108 PTI members were jailed for their involvement in the May 2023 protests.

The Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), founded to advocate Pashtun rights, was proscribed as a terrorist group in Pakistan in October 2024, following allegations of activities ‘prejudicial to peace.’

Leaders report harassment, arbitrary detention, and enforced disappearances and hundreds of members have been arrested, even before proscription. Muttahida Qaumi Movement–London (MQM-L), led by Altaf Hussain from UK exile, faces operational restrictions despite not being officially banned. Hussain’s speeches remain prohibited, and supporters have been arrested for attending pro-Hussain rallies and chanting anti-Pakistan slogans, though later released. Leaders were unlawfully detained ahead of the election.

Leaders of some opposition parties – particularly those who are high-profile or vocal critics of the government or military – are likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm from the state.

Ordinary members, supporters and sympathisers are unlikely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm from the state. The onus is on the person to demonstrate otherwise.

Political violence primarily occurs during elections, often involving rival party clashes or militant attacks. Groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Baloch militants have targeted rallies and offices of major parties.

Leaders, members and supporters of political parties are unlikely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm from non-state actors.

Protection and internal relocation are likely to be available to people fearing non-state actors.

All cases must be considered on their individual facts, with the onus on the person to demonstrate they face persecution or serious harm.

Assessment

Section updated: 28 January 2026

About the assessment

This section considers the evidence relevant to this note – that is the country information, refugee/human rights laws and policies, and applicable caselaw – and provides an assessment of whether, in general:

• a person faces a real risk of persecution/serious harm by state and/or non-state actors because of their actual or perceived political opinion
• the state (or quasi state bodies) can provide effective protection
• internal relocation is possible to avoid persecution/serious harm
• a claim, if refused, is likely or not to be certified as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.

Decision makers must, however, consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts.

1. Material facts, credibility and other checks/referrals

1.1 Credibility

1.1.1 For information on assessing credibility, see the instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status.

1.1.2 Decision makers must also check if there has been a previous application for a UK visa or another form of leave. Asylum applications matched to visas should be investigated prior to the asylum interview (see the Asylum Instruction on Visa Matches, Asylum Claims from UK Visa Applicants).

1.1.3 Decision makers must also consider making an international biometric data-sharing check, when one has not already been undertaken (see Biometric data-sharing process (Migration 5 biometric data-sharing process)).

1.1.4 In cases where there are doubts surrounding a person’s claimed place of origin, decision makers should also consider language analysis testing, where available (see the Asylum Instruction on Language Analysis).

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1.2 Exclusion

1.2.1 Decision makers must consider whether there are serious reasons to apply one (or more) of the exclusion clauses. Each case must be considered on its individual facts.

1.2.2 If the person is excluded from the Refugee Convention, they will also be excluded from a grant of humanitarian protection (which has a wider range of exclusions than refugee status).

1.2.3 For guidance on exclusion and restricted leave, see the Asylum Instruction on Exclusion under Articles 1F and 33(2) of the Refugee Convention, Humanitarian Protection and the instruction on Restricted Leave.

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2. Convention reason(s)

2.1.1 Actual or imputed political opinion.

2.1.2 Establishing a convention reason is not sufficient to be recognised as a refugee. The question is whether the person has a well-founded fear of persecution on account of an actual or imputed Refugee Convention reason.

2.1.3 For further guidance on the 5 Refugee Convention grounds, see the Asylum Instruction, Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status.

3. Risk

3.1 Risk from state actors

3.1.1 Ordinary members, supporters and sympathisers of opposition parties and political movements are unlikely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm from the state. The onus is on the person to demonstrate otherwise.

3.1.2 Except during major protests or if involved in violence or activism, most arrests of rank-and-file members are short-term and aimed at deterrence. Arrests may be less likely to occur outside of election periods, or times of raised political tension within society. In general, the arrest and subsequent release of a person is not sufficiently serious by its nature and/or repetition to amount to persecution or serious harm.

3.1.3 Leaders of opposition parties – particularly those who are high-profile or vocal critics of the government or military – may face a real risk of persecution or serious harm from the state. This will depend on the profile of the person, the party they support and the area it operates in, their activities and any previous state interest.

3.1.4 Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) leaders have faced repeated arrests, enforced disappearances, sedition and terrorism charges, and long prison sentences. Patterns of harassment and detention have affected leaders of Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) and Muttahida Qaumi Movement–London (MQM-L).

3.1.5 Few legal barriers exist to registering a political party or contesting elections. In practice, electoral contests have been dominated by major parties such as the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), and the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). While opposition parties generally campaign and contest elections, free competition and the ability to participate may depend on the strength of a party’s relationship with the military. For example, in October 2022, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), reportedly directed by the military, barred PTI leader, Imran Khan, from holding office for 5 years and rejected his nomination for the 2024 elections (see Registering a party and contesting elections).

3.1.6 PTI candidates were prevented from using their party name and electoral symbol in the February 2024 elections, forcing them to run as independents. Many sources declared the elections were neither free nor fair. PTI-backed independents won most seats at the national level, ahead of PML-N and the PPP, who later formed a coalition government alongside smaller parties (see Registering a party and contesting elections, General elections – February 2024, and Election results and formation of government).

3.1.7 The US State Department’s human rights reports and Freedom House note that corruption is endemic in politics and government, involving bribery, nepotism, and patronage. Accountability mechanisms, such as the National Accountability Bureau (NAB), have often been used selectively and politically. Under the PTI government (2018 to 2022), senior members of opposition parties like the PPP and PML-N faced corruption charges, while after Khan’s ouster in 2022, similar tactics were deployed against PTI leaders (see Allegations of corruption).

3.1.8 Repression of political opponents is a recurring pattern. While Pakistan’s constitution guarantees freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, these rights have repeatedly been curtailed. Governments of all affiliations have used laws to restrict protests and censor criticism, particularly of the military. Crackdowns on demonstrations, arrests of activists, and harassment of journalists have occurred under successive administrations, illustrating that restrictions on civil liberties are not unique to PTI but part of a broader trend in Pakistan’s political culture (see Freedom of expression and right to protest).

3.1.9 The PTI governed Pakistan from 2018 until its founder and leader, Imran Khan, was removed as Prime Minister through a no-confidence vote in April 2022. Khan was arrested in May 2023 on corruption charges, sparking nationwide protests. He has faced over 100 criminal cases and was sentenced to 14 years in prison in January 2025. Senior PTI leaders have been arrested and detained (sometimes repeatedly), subjected to enforced disappearances, and pressured to abandon the party (see Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).

3.1.10 While thousands of ordinary PTI members and supporters were arrested during major protests – particularly after Khan’s May 2023 detention – low-level supporters who avoid violence are generally not targeted. However, reports indicate isolated cases of harassment and short-term detention aimed at discouraging participation in demonstrations that continue to call for Khan’s release (see Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).

3.1.11 At least 14 civilians were killed during the May 2023 unrest after police used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protests. Later demonstrations in 2024 met similar enforcement measures, with sedition and terrorism charges filed against Khan, PTI party leaders and thousands of party workers. In August 2025, 108 PTI members were jailed for their involvement in the May 2023 protests. Some party leaders received prison terms of up to 10 years (see Freedom of expression and right to protest and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).

3.1.12 The Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM), founded in 2014, was proscribed as a terrorist group in October 2024 for activities deemed ‘prejudicial to peace and security.’ Human rights groups condemned the government’s decision to ban the group. The PTM advocates for Pashtun rights and has organised large, peaceful rallies demanding better protection from the state, whom they claim have targeted Pashtuns due to the political affiliation, tribal descent, or criticism of the government. Leaders allege harassment, arbitrary detention, and enforced disappearances, even before the group was proscribed. Hundreds of members were reportedly arrested, though it was unclear if they were charged or detained. Mere membership of a proscribed group is a criminal offence, and a convicted person is liable to up to 6 months imprisonment. After the ban, the movement’s leader went into hiding, though in March 2025 he filed a petition with the Peshawar High Court against the group’s proscription (see Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM)).

3.1.13 Muttahida Qaumi Movement – London (MQM-L) is a faction of the Karachi-based MQM, led by Altaf Hussain from self-imposed exile in the UK. While not officially proscribed, since 2016 Hussain’s speeches are banned from public broadcast in Pakistan, although the MQM’s official website was unblocked in Pakistan in June 2023. In July 2023, 28 supporters were arrested when rallying in support of Hussain. In December 2024, 6 MQM-L supporters were arrested for chanting anti-Pakistan slogans. In February 2024, MQM-L-backed election candidates were detained ahead of polls, and reports indicate repeated unlawful detentions of at least one senior figure (see Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and MQM-London (MQM-L).

3.1.14 In July 2024, the government formally authorised the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to intercept calls and messages of any citizen under Section 54 of the Pakistan Telecommunication Act. The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act grants broad powers to access and retain personal data without judicial oversight. Reports indicate the installation of mass surveillance systems, including the Lawful Intercept Management System (LIMS), which can monitor up to 4 million mobile users, and the Web Monitoring System (WMS 2.0), capable of inspecting and blocking millions of internet sessions. These tools enable interception of calls, texts, browsing history, and location data. Human rights bodies have raised concerns about targeted surveillance of journalists, activists, and political opponents, as well as the lack of regulatory oversight and judicial authorisation. Allegations of monitoring, surveillance and intimidation of members of the diaspora have also been reported, though specific cases remain unverified (see Monitoring and surveillance, including abroad).

3.1.15 For further guidance on assessing risk, see the Asylum Instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status.

3.2 Risk from non-state actors

3.2.1 Leaders, members and supporters of political parties are unlikely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm from non-state actors. The onus is on the person to demonstrate otherwise.

3.2.2 Violence against political opponents primarily occurs prior to and during election periods and is often linked to militant groups or rival party clashes rather than systematic targeting. The Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS) recorded 19 incidents of political violence in early 2024, resulting in deaths and injuries, involving supporters of major parties such as PTI, PML-N, PPP, and MQM. Additionally, the International Crisis Group (ICG) reported militant attacks at rallies and offices of major parties, particularly in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, carried out by groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Baloch nationalist militants. U.S. State Department reports also note that militants have targeted political offices and candidates (see General elections – February 2024 and Attacks on political party members and supporters).

3.2.3 For further guidance on assessing risk, see the Asylum Instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status.

4. Protection

4.1.1 Where the person has a well-founded fear of persecution or serious harm from the state, they are unlikely to be able to obtain protection.

4.1.2 A person who has a well-founded fear of persecution or serious harm from a rogue state actor and/or a non-state actor is likely to obtain protection from the state.

4.1.3 In the country guidance case of AH (Sufficiency of Protection, Sunni Extremists) Pakistan CG [2002] UKIAT 05862, heard on 4 October 2002 and promulgated on 31 December 2002, the Immigration Appeal Tribunal (IAT) held that the state of Pakistan ‘… has a functioning system of criminal law and criminal acts are prosecuted albeit that there may be difficulties which will arise in individual cases in successfully doing so. The degree of protection which the state is required to provide to its subjects is clearly illustrated in the approach of the European Court in Strasbourg to the need to have regard to the difficulties involved in policing modern societies and resources’ (paragraph 17).

4.1.4 In the reported case of AW (sufficiency of protection) Pakistan [2011] UKUT 31 (IAC), heard on 11 November 2010 and promulgated on 26 January 2011, the Upper Tribunal (UT), having regard to the case of AH, found that there was no ‘general insufficiency of state protection’ (paragraph 34).

4.1.5 The UT in AW held that ‘Notwithstanding systemic sufficiency of state protection, a claimant may still have a well founded fear of persecution if authorities know or ought to know of circumstances particular to his/her case giving rise to the fear, but are unlikely to provide the additional protection the particular circumstances reasonably require…’ (Headnote 2).

4.1.6 The UT also held that ‘In considering whether an appellant’s particular circumstances give rise to a need for additional protection, particular account must be taken of past persecution (if any) so as to ensure the question posed is whether there are good reasons to consider that such persecution (and past lack of sufficient protection) will not be repeated’ (Headnote 3).

4.1.7 The country evidence available since AH and AW were heard does not indicate that there are very strong grounds supported by cogent evidence to depart from either sets of findings.

4.1.8 Despite some shortcomings, in general, Pakistan takes reasonable steps to prevent the persecution by operating an effective legal system for the detection, prosecution and punishment of acts constituting persecution and a person is generally able to access the protection.

4.1.9 As such, the state is both willing and able to offer sufficient protection to persons fearing non-state, including ‘rogue’ state actors. The onus is on the person to demonstrate otherwise.

4.1.10 See also the Country Policy and Information Note on Pakistan: Actors of protection.

4.1.11 For further guidance on assessing state protection, see the Asylum Instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status.

5. Internal relocation

5.1.1 Where the person has a well-founded fear of persecution or serious harm from a non-state or rogue state actor, they are likely to be able to internally relocate to escape that risk.

5.1.2 This is because in general, there are parts of Pakistan, particularly large urban areas and cities such as (but not limited to) Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore, where it is reasonable to expect political opponents to relocate to.

5.1.3 See also the Country Policy and Information Note on Pakistan: Internal relocation and the Country Information Note Pakistan (copy on request).

5.1.4 For further guidance on internal relocation and factors to consider, see the Asylum Instruction on Assessing Credibility and Refugee Status.

6. Certification

6.1.1 Where a claim is refused, it is unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002.

6.1.2 For further guidance on certification, see Certification of Protection and Human Rights claims under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002 (clearly unfounded claims).

Country information

About the country information

This section contains publicly available or disclosable country of origin information (COI) which has been gathered, collated and analysed in line with the research methodology. It provides the evidence base for the assessment which, as stated in the About the assessment, is the guide to the current objective conditions.

The structure and content follow a terms of reference which sets out the general and specific topics relevant to the scope of this note.

This document is intended to be comprehensive but not exhaustive. If a particular event, person or organisation is not mentioned this does not mean that the event did or did not take place or that the person or organisation does or does not exist.

Some sources refer to Transnational Repression (TNR), with differing definitions and explanations of what this entails. The UK recognises TNR as a term to describe certain foreign state-directed crimes against individuals. This activity can take place both physically or online, with examples including intimidation, surveillance, harassment, forced/coerced return, abduction and even assassination at the most serious end of the scale.

The COI included was published or made publicly available on or before 30 November 2025. Any event taking place or report published after this date will not be included. Pakistan-administered Kashmir is not covered in this report. 

Decision makers must use relevant COI as the evidential basis for decisions.

7. Political context

7.1 Structure and electoral system

7.1.1 A House of Commons Library Research Briefing on Pakistan’s February 2024 general election, based on a range of sources, published May 2024, stated ‘Pakistan is a parliamentary democracy, with most executive powers held by the Prime Minister. Pakistan has four provinces, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab, and Sindh, as well as the federally administered Islamabad capital territory.’^{[footnote 1]}

7.1.2 The Research Briefing provided background information on the role of the Prime Minister and President, and on parliament (Majlis-e-Shoora), which consisted of the National Assembly and the Senate.^{[footnote 2]} There were 336 seats in the National Assembly, 266 of whom were directly elected, 60 seats reserved for women and 10 for representatives of religious minorities.^{[footnote 3]} Reserved seats were allotted in proportion to provincial party votes won in the election.^{[footnote 4][footnote 5]}

7.1.3 The Research Briefing noted that ‘No Pakistani Prime Minister has ever served a full five-year term in office. They have variously resigned, been dismissed by Presidents (when presidential powers were greater), assassinated, ousted in coups, dismissed or disqualified by courts, and in 2022 Imran Khan [leader of the Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf (PTI)^{[footnote 6]}] became the first to be removed by a vote of no confidence in the National Assembly.’^{[footnote 7]}

7.1.4 After Khan’s removal from office, Shehbaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N) was selected as prime minister (PM) by parliament in April 2022.^{[footnote 8][footnote 9]} Following the General elections, held on 8 February 2024, Shehbaz Sharif was elected PM by the National Assembly on 3 March 2024.^{[footnote 10]} See also Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz).

7.1.5 The Bertelsmann Stiftung Transformation Index (BTI) 2024 Country Report Pakistan, which assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy, covering the period from 1 February 2021 to 31 January 2023, noted:

‘Pakistan’s military establishment continues to exercise a tremendous amount of power over questions of policy and governance, playing the principal role in shaping Pakistan’s foreign policy as well as issues related to its internal security. Pakistan’s civilian leadership, including the prime minister, regularly meets with the country’s chief of army staff and head of the Inter-Services Intelligence (the main intelligence agency). In these meetings, matters pertaining to international and domestic affairs are discussed, while former military officers have been appointed to key posts in government. This can be seen as a de facto consultation of the military in the political process.’^{[footnote 11]}

7.1.6 The role of President is largely ceremonial.^{[footnote 12]} Asif Ali Zardari, of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), was elected as the 14th President of Pakistan and took oath of office on 10 March 2024.^{[footnote 13][footnote 14]} Presidential terms were 5 years.^{[footnote 15]}

7.1.7 The Australian Government’s report by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, dated April 2025 (2025 DFAT report), based on a range of sources, stated that:

‘Local government is made up of various divisions, districts, subdistricts (tehsils or tahsils), municipal and village councils. These units are run by a hierarchy of administrators, such as the divisional commissioner, the deputy commissioner at the district level, and the subdivisional magistrate, subdivisional officer, or tehsildar (tahsildar) at the subdistrict level. The key level is the district, where the deputy commissioner shares power with the elected chairman of the district council.’^{[footnote 16]}

8. Political participation

8.1 Registering a party and contesting elections

8.1.1 For at least 2022 and 2023, the US Department of State’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices (USSD HR Reports) did not note any reports of ‘restrictions on political parties participating in elections, except for those prohibited due to terrorist affiliations.’^{[footnote 17] [footnote 18]} All USSD reports on human rights practices for 2024, published on 12 August 2025, were reduced in size and scope compared to previous years’ reports^{[footnote 19]}, and general information on political parties was not included in the 2024 USSD HR report for Pakistan.^{[footnote 20]}

8.1.2 The BTI 2024 Country Report Pakistan noted ‘In Pakistan, there are few legal barriers to registering a political party or contesting an election as a candidate. In practice, however, while there are thousands of “independent” candidates and dozens of smaller parties contesting elections in constituencies across the country, electoral contests remain dominated by a small number of large political parties, such as the PML-N, PTI and PPP.’^{[footnote 21]}

8.1.3 However, in December 2023 the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) rejected former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s nomination to contest the 2024 parliamentary elections.^{[footnote 22]} Members of Khan’s PTI party were consequently unable to participate in the 2024 general elections under the PTI party name, or utilise the iconic cricket bat symbol, and instead ran as independents.^{[footnote 23]}

8.1.4 Freedom House observed, in its Freedom in the World 2025 report on Pakistan, covering 2024 events, that ‘Opposition parties campaign and contest elections, which regularly result in transfers of power at the national level. National opposition parties also hold power or significant representation at the provincial and local levels. However, the military has long been considered more powerful than elected politicians and able to influence electoral outcomes.’^{[footnote 24]}

8.1.5 According to the same report:

‘Several major parties and numerous smaller parties and independents compete in elections and are represented in the parliament and provincial legislatures. However, free competition has been distorted through coercive and quasi-legal measures directed by the military against political actors who have fallen out of favor, and by the willingness of political parties to seek the military’s patronage. During 2024, the PTI was the party which suffered the most blatant obstacles …’^{[footnote 25]}

8.1.6 Referring to the February 2024 elections, the Freedom in the World 2025 stated:

‘… during the 2024 general election period, the ECP made a series of decisions that helped to exclude the PTI from formal participation in the election and which were favorable to the efforts by PTI’s rivals to form a coalition government. These decisions, which included the ECP in October 2022 barring Imran Khan for five years from holding public office, prompted concerns that the ECP deliberately cooperated with efforts, directed by the army, to suppress the PTI’s vote and exclude it from power.’^{[footnote 26]}

8.1.7 The same report noted:

‘Candidates affiliated with Imran Khan’s PTI won 92 of the directly elected National Assembly seats in the February 2024 elections, ahead of Nawaz Sherif’s PML-N and Bilawal Bhutto’s PPP (54 seats). The PTI result was achieved despite multiple steps taken by civil and military authorities in the run-up to the election to hinder the party’s performance. These included the jailing of Imran Khan in 2023, jailing and intimidation of party officers and members, and a decision by the ECP preventing the PTI from officially nominating candidates in the general election and from using its well-known electoral symbol, a cricket bat. (Electoral symbols are relevant to Pakistan’s illiterate voters.) In response, PTI candidates stood as independents and, after being elected, rebadged themselves as members of the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), a registered party that had not stood candidates.’^{[footnote 27]}

See also General elections – February 2024.

8.1.8 The 2025 DFAT report noted ‘Besides Ahmadis (who are effectively required to renounce their religion by accepting they are non-Muslims to stand), there are no legal restrictions preventing ethnic or religious minorities from participating in the political process.’^{[footnote 28]} See the Country Policy and Information Note on Pakistan: Ahmadis for information on voting rights of Ahmadis.

8.1.9 As of 22 October 2025, 170 political parties were registered with the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP).

8.2 General elections – February 2024

8.2.1 On 8 February 2024, Pakistan held elections for its National Assembly and 4 provincial assemblies – Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab, and Sindh.^{[footnote 29]} For a detailed account and background see the House of Commons Research Briefing on Pakistan: 2024 general election.

8.2.2 In its preliminary observations of the elections, which saw about 60 million voters go to the polls, the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN), a ‘network of civil society networks in Pakistan dedicated to strengthening democracy through observation and oversight of electoral, parliamentary, and governance processes’ which are undertaken by ‘trained and legally accredited observers’^{[footnote 30]}, found that voting and counting at polling stations ‘… largely remained free of controversy, notwithstanding sporadic complaints by political parties and candidates about not getting the election results forms to which they are legally entitled. More than 0.7 million police and military officials stood guard across Pakistan and outside polling stations, ensuring peace and order on the election day against the backdrop of fears of militant and political violence.’^{[footnote 31]}

8.2.3 On 9 February 2024, the EU issued a statement noting ‘… the lack of a level playing field due to the inability of some political actors to contest the elections, restrictions to freedom of assembly, freedom of expression both online and offline, restrictions of access to the internet, as well as allegations of severe interference in the electoral process, including arrests of political activists.’^{[footnote 32]}

8.2.4 As noted in the 2025 DFAT report:

‘The 8 February 2024 general election was not free or fair according to many in-country sources, foreign governments, local and international media, and local and international human rights organisations. During the 2024 election, all PTI politicians were forced to run as independents. Pakistan’s government also: enforced a widespread clampdown on freedom of expression and association, detained and harassed PTI supporters, banned PTI election symbols, shut down cell phone signals on election day, delayed the announcement of election results; and was observed engaged in efforts to rig voting outcomes in some locations.’^{[footnote 33]} For more information on the sources considered by DFAT in relation to conduct during the election see paragraph 2.55 of the DFAT report.

8.2.5 A report on the February 2024 elections by the International Crisis Group (ICG) stated that:

‘A spike in violence in the run-up to election day raised alarm in many parts of Pakistan. An array of militant groups – ranging from Baloch nationalist hardliners to the jihadist Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) – claimed attacks on political rallies, election offices and the homes of leaders of all major parties, particularly in the conflict-hit provinces of Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa that border Afghanistan. A day before the vote, at least 28 people were killed and over 50 wounded in two bomb blasts outside candidates’ offices in Balochistan’s Pishin and Qilla Saifullah districts. Almost two dozen militant attacks took place mainly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan on polling day, killing scores of security personnel – many of whom had been deployed to guard voting stations – and civilians. In the rest of the country, however, polling went ahead relatively smoothly.’^{[footnote 34]}

8.2.6 A press release by the Pakistan’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, dated 9 February 2024, stated that there were 61 incidents of violence recorded on election day, which killed 16 citizens and injured 54 others.^{[footnote 35]}

See also Attacks on political party members and supporters.

8.3 Election results and formation of government

8.3.1 Following the release of the election results, an article in The Conversation, an independent source of news analysis and informed comment written by academic experts, working with professional journalists^{[footnote 36]}, noted that independents aligned with former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) won the most seats at the national level, followed by former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). No party won an absolute majority needed to form a government on its own.^{[footnote 37]}

8.3.2 According to Al Jazeera, independent candidates backed by the PTI gained 93 seats, PML-N came in second with 75 seats, and PPP third with 54 seats. PML-N, together with one PTI-backed candidate who then joined PML-N, and PPP formed a coalition government.^{[footnote 38]}

8.3.3 On 3 March 2024, the National Assembly approved a new coalition government led by Shehbaz Sharif (PML-N), supported by PPP, Muttahida Qaumi Movement Pakistan (MQM (P)), Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q), Istehkam-e-Pakistan Party (IPP), Pakistan Muslim League-Zia (PML (Z)), Balochistan Awami Party (BAP), and National Party (NP).^{[footnote 39][footnote 40][footnote 41]}

8.3.4 FAFEN reported on 11 June 2024 that ‘The Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC) emerged as the largest parliamentary party after a majority of independent lawmakers (84) supported by Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) joined it. However, they opted to sit on opposition benches …’^{[footnote 42]}

8.3.5 However, in March 2024, the ECP declared that the SIC could not claim their allocation of reserved seats because the party had failed to submit a party list for reserved seats before the ECP’s deadline.^{[footnote 43]} The SIC applied to the Supreme Court to reverse the ECP’s decision.^{[footnote 44]}

8.3.6 On 12 July 2024, a majority judgement by the Supreme Court declared the PTI was a parliamentary party and was eligible to receive reserved seats in the national and provincial assemblies.^{[footnote 45]} However, that decision was overturned in June 2025 by a constitutional bench of the Supreme Court, meaning the PTI was no longer a parliamentary party, and the reserved seats would be allocated to the other parties in the respective assemblies.^{[footnote 46] [footnote 47]}

8.3.7 On 9 October 2025, the ECP declared all PTI and SIC members in the national and provincial assemblies as independent.^{[footnote 48]}

8.3.8 By-elections in November 2025 increased the number of seats held by the PML-N in the National Assembly, reported private satellite news channel, Samaa TV^{[footnote 49]}, which noted that, ‘Following the by-election victories, PML-N’s seat count in the 336-member National Assembly has risen to 132, solidifying its position as the leading political party in the lower house … ending its reliance on the PPP for a simple majority.’^{[footnote 50]}

9. Mainstream parties

9.1 Members of the National Assembly

9.1.1 The National Assembly of Pakistan listed all its Members of the National Assembly (MNA), including party-wise lists of those in Government and those in Opposition.^{[footnote 51]} See also Election results.

9.2 Pakistan Muslim League

9.2.1 The PML-N has its origins in the PML, which was established in 1962. In 1993, the PML split into 2 factions, one of them led by Nawaz Sharif, which became known as the PML-N.^{[footnote 52]} Nawaz Sharif has been Prime Minister on 3 occasions (1990 to 1993, 1997 to 1999, 2013 to 2017).^{[footnote 53]} His second period in office was ended after he was ousted in a military coup led by General Pervez Musharraf.^{[footnote 54]} In 2017 he was removed from office due to corruption charges against him.^{[footnote 55]}

9.2.2 Nawaz was barred from holding office in 2018 so his younger brother, Shehbaz Sharif, headed the PML-N.^{[footnote 56] [footnote 57]}After being acquitted of corruption charges in 2023, Nawaz was elected leader of the PML-N in May 2024.^{[footnote 58]}

9.2.3 The PML-N, a centre-right party that attracts the votes of religious conservatives, were especially strong in Punjab, the country’s largest province.^{[footnote 59]}

9.3 Pakistan’s People’s Party (PPP)

9.3.1 The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was founded in 1967 by the late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1967.^{[footnote 60][footnote 61]} Zulfiqar’s daughter, Benazir Bhutto, served as Prime Minister twice and was assassinated in 2007 during her campaign for the 2008 elections.^{[footnote 62]} Her son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, became sole leader of the PPP in 2021^{[footnote 63]}, and was re-elected as chairman for another 4-year term in April 2025.^{[footnote 64]} Bilawal’s father and PPP member, Asif Ali Zardari, became President of Pakistan in March 2024.^{[footnote 65][footnote 66]}

9.3.2 The PPP was described as a centre-left party, with its main base in Sindh province.^{[footnote 67] [footnote 68]}

9.4 Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)

9.4.1 The PTI, described as a secular, centre-right, was founded in 1996 by Imran Khan.^{[footnote 69][footnote 70][footnote 71]} Khan became Prime Minister after the PTI secured its biggest victory in 2018 after winning the largest number of National Assembly seats and forming a coalition with the Muttahida Qaumi Movement – Pakistan (MQM-P), other smaller parties and independents.^{[footnote 72]}

9.4.2 On 10 April 2022, Imran Khan was ousted as prime minister after a no-confidence vote.^{[footnote 73]} Minutes before parliament was due to elect a new prime minister, the PTI resigned from the National Assembly in line with the party’s narrative, in which Khan blamed a ‘foreign conspiracy’ for his removal as prime minister.^{[footnote 74][footnote 75]} In October 2022, the ECP disqualified Khan from being elected or remaining as a member of parliament, for non-declaration of assets.^{[footnote 76]} On 3 November 2022, Imran Khan was injured and a PTI supporter was killed when a gunman opened fire on a convoy of which Khan was part. He accused Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and military officials of involvement, which they denied.^{[footnote 77]}

9.4.3 Al Jazeera reported that Khan was arrested on 9 May 2023 for corruption offences, ‘… triggering nationwide protests by his supporters who blame the military for orchestrating the arrest.’^{[footnote 78]}) Some of the protests turned violent, with clashes between protesters and the police resulting in several deaths.^{[footnote 79]} According to CIVICUS Monitor, an international alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society throughout the world, ‘While the protests began as peaceful demonstrations, they quickly escalated into violence, with attacks on military and government buildings, including the Lahore Corps Commander House, triggering a massive security response. The state accused PTI of orchestrating the violence and used anti-terrorism laws to pursue hundreds of its members.’^{[footnote 80]}

9.4.4 In intra-party elections in December 2023, Gohar Ali Khan was elected unopposed as chairman of the PTI, after being nominated for the post by Imran Khan.^{[footnote 81]}

9.4.5 The 2025 DFAT report noted that:

‘Human rights organisations report Pakistan’s authorities have targeted PTI leaders and their family members with enforced disappearances, arrest and imprisonment (sometimes on multiple instances) on the basis of their political opinions. According to in-country sources, Pakistan’s government, military and security services have sought to weaken the PTI by putting pressure on its leaders through “pre-emptive detention”. “Disappeared” PTI politicians often reappeared later with changed political views that condemned the PTI, with many stepping away from politics all together …

‘Authorities have harassed and threatened to arrest PTI members on the basis of their political opinions. Local media reported 493 FIRs were registered, 8,031 arrests made, and 3,261 people detained in connection with the 9 May [2023] PTI protests. In October 2023, the PTI stated upwards of 10,000 PTI supporters had been placed on remand since the 9 May protests. In-country sources told DFAT high profile PTI members were most likely to face harassment or arrest by authorities. In-country sources said while first, second and third tier PTI leaders were sometimes targeted by authorities, low-level supporters who did not engage in violence during the 9 May protests were highly unlikely to receive any adverse official attention. In-country sources reported isolated instances of PTI supporters being detained in order to discourage their participation in future protests.’^{[footnote 82]}

9.4.6 The European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), noted in their Pakistan Country Focus COI Report, covering the period 1 October 2023 to 25 October 2024, based on a range of sources, that:

‘In July 2024, the police raided the PTI’s offices. According to the police, “the raid was conducted due to [PTI] running a disinformation campaign against the country.” On 7 October 2024, police filed a case against Khan, 200 PTI members, workers, and lawyers. The case was filed under First Information Report (FIR) on sedition, terrorism and attempted murder charges. The PTI founder and 200 members were allegedly accused of “rebellion and terrorism”, inciting violence against the state. In October 2024, police raided the house of PTI-affiliated politician Zartaj Gul and arrested her under section 3 of the MPO [Maintenance of Public Order] Ordinance. Gul was released from jail on 9 October 2024 on court orders.’^{[footnote 83]}

9.4.7 BBC News reported in January 2025 that:‘Former Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan has been sentenced to 14 years in prison over a corruption case, in the latest of a series of charges laid against him. ‘It is the longest valid jail sentence the cricket star-turned-politician, who has been detained since August 2023, has received. ‘He has faced charges in over 100 cases, ranging from leaking state secrets to selling state gifts - all of which he has decried as politically motivated.’^{[footnote 84]}

9.4.8 In August 2025, 108 members of the PTI were convicted and jailed, by an anti-terrorism court, for their involvement in nationwide protests and violent clashes with security forces that occurred in May 2023. Several PTI leaders, including (former) members of parliament, were given prison terms of up to 10 years.^{[footnote 85] [footnote 86]} PTI Chairman, Gohar Ali Khan, called the verdicts ‘politically motivated.’^{[footnote 87]}

See also Freedom of expression and right to protest.

9.5 Awami National Party (ANP)

9.5.1 The 2025 DFAT report noted that ‘The ANP, formed in 1986, is a secular Pashtun nationalist political party that follows the ideology of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (also known as Bacha Khan), who preached non-violence and advocated for maximum autonomy of Pakistan’s provinces. The ANP is active in KP [Khyber Pakhtunkhwa] and Pashtun-majority areas of Balochistan …The ANP was part of the PTI-led coalition government from 2018 to 2022.’^{[footnote 88]}

9.5.2 The ANP gained 2 seats (one elected, one reserved) in the KP Assembly’^{[footnote 89]} and 3 seats (2 elected, one reserved) in the Balochistan Assembly’^{[footnote 90]}, but failed to secure a seat in the National Assembly in the 2024 general elections.’^{[footnote 91]}’^{[footnote 92]}

9.5.3 In May 2024, Aimal Wali Khan was elected as the new central president of the ANP during intra-party elections.’^{[footnote 93]}

9.5.4 The Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) noted in their general COI report on Pakistan, based on a range of sources, covering the period September 2022 to May 2024, that:

‘The ANP has become increasingly weak politically over the past decade. The leadership is in the hands of one family, and some ANP supporters are said to be dissatisfied with the leadership of the current leader, Aimal Wali Khan. According to one source, the party was weakened, as splits have emerged. Parts of the party defected to the PTM. According to this source, the authorities no longer saw the party as a threat and therefore allegedly took no more action against it.’^{[footnote 94]}

9.5.5 In July 2025, ANP politician, Maulana Khan Zeb, was shot and killed by unknown assailants in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Bajaur district, whilst campaigning for a peace parade. A police officer was also killed in the attack.^{[footnote 95][footnote 96]}

9.6 Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM)

9.6.1 The 2025 DFAT report stated that:

‘The Mutahidda Qaumi Movement (United National Movement) or MQM was formed in 1984 and is a Karachi-based secular political party that advocates for the rights of Muhajirs, Urdu-speaking Muslim migrants from India and their descendants. The MQM was a major political force in Sindh in the 1980s and 1990s, when it was involved in widespread political violence in Karachi as MQM militants fought government forces, breakaway factions and militants from other ethnic political movements.’^{[footnote 97]}

9.6.2 In 2016, the MQM split into 2 factions: the MQM-London (MQM-L) led by Altaf Hussain, living in self-imposed exile in the UK, and the MQM-Pakistan (MQM-P), initially led by Farooq Sattar, who was succeeded by Khalid Maqbool Siddiqui in February 2018.^{[footnote 98][footnote 99]}

9.6.3 In the 2025 DFAT report it was noted that ‘In-country sources said MQM-Pakistan and MQM-London had reconciled, and the united party was noticeably less “anti-establishment” than before.’^{[footnote 100]} However, in August 2025, Pakistani English-language newspaper, Dawn, reported that Sindh Governor and MQM-P member, Kamran Khan Tessori, ‘… was bound to follow the policy of the MQM-P, which had openly dissociated itself from Mr Hussain … “Altaf Hussain sahab has nothing to do with the politics of MQM Pakistan [and] its leadership is not going to accept him [in their fold] as they openly parted ways with him,” [Tessori] said …’^{[footnote 101]}

9.6.4The DFAT report stated ‘MQM [Pakistan] won 22 federal seats in the 2024 general election and 36 out of 168 seats in Sindh’s provincial election.’^{[footnote 102]} The MQM-P was a member of the PML-N-led coalition government.^{[footnote 103][footnote 104]}

See also Treatment of political opponents: MQM-London (MQM-L) and Attacks on political party members and supporters

9.7 Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q)

9.7.1 The PML-Q was formed in 2002 by dissident PML-N members and became an integral part of General Musharraf’s government, in power from 2002 to 2008.^{[footnote 105]} PML-Q leader, Shujaat Hussain, served briefly as prime minister during Musharraf’s presidency.^{[footnote 106]} The PML-Q was a coalition partner of the PTI.^{[footnote 107]} The PML-Q then became a coalition partner of the PML-N following the ousting of Imran Khan in April 2022^{[footnote 108]}, and maintained that partnership following the February 2024 elections.^{[footnote 109]}

10. Sectarian Parties

10.1 Islamist parties

10.1.1 According to a report by Dawn news, dated 17 March 2024:

‘Pakistan’s political landscape includes a significant number of religio-political parties. Out of the 167 parties registered with the Election Commission, roughly 25 have Islamist or sectarian names, reflecting their religious affiliations.

‘Notable among them are the JUI-F [Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam – Fazl], the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), the Majlis-i-Wahdat-i-Muslimeen (MWM), the Pakistan Rah-i-Haq Party, the Pakistan Markazi Muslim League, and the Jamiat-i-Ulema Islam-Nazriati, all of which actively participated in the February 8 [2024] polls.’^{[footnote 110]}

10.2 Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam – Fazl (JUI-F)

10.2.1 The JUI-F, a Sunni Deobandi political party led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman since 1980, has promoted the implementation of Sharia law, drawing strength from mosques and madrassahs for membership.^{[footnote 111]} Its electoral performance has fluctuated, winning 41 seats in 2002 but only 12 in 2018.^{[footnote 112]} In 2024 it secured 2.16 million votes (3.7%)^{[footnote 113]}, ranking fifth nationally^{[footnote 114]}, and secured 4 seats in the National Assembly.^{[footnote 115]} The party’s voter base was concentrated largely in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but it also received support in Sindh, Punjab, ICT and Balochistan in the 2024 elections.^{[footnote 116]}

10.2.2 The JUI-F became a coalition partner of the PML-N following the ousting of Imran Khan in April 2022.^{[footnote 117]}

10.3 Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP)

10.3.1 The Netherlands MFA noted in their COI report on Pakistan, published in July 2024, that:

‘The main sectarian party in Pakistan is the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). In the elections of 8 February 2024, the TLP failed to win a single seat in the national parliament. Support for the party nevertheless grew from 2.1 million votes in 2018 to 2.8 million in 2024. The extremist Muslim party has many followers and a considerable amount of “street power”. Closely linked to the TLP is the Tehreek Labbaik Ya Rasool Allah (TLYR), which adheres to the same conservative Barelvi [a school of thought within Sunni Islam^{[footnote 118]} ideas. The leaders of both parties started their radical religious movement together in Karachi, but they parted ways over various disagreements. The TLP divides the world into “us” and “them”. Within this context, “they” include Western powers who purportedly committed blasphemy or the elite who were said to be “bad Muslims”. The TLP present themselves as the sole representatives of Barelvi thought. The TLP’s implacable stance against blasphemy encourages citizens to carry out violent actions in a vigilante style. According to some studies, most TLP supporters are young people from poor and middle-class Barelvi families in Punjab. When asked by TLP leaders, the young supporters proceed to vandalise property, attack cars, burn car tyres and block major thoroughfares during protests. In recent years, several individuals claiming to be motivated by the speeches of the TLP leader Rizvi have committed killings of civilians. No further information is known about these individuals. Online, the party has built a strong following and regularly conducts anti-state, anti-Ahmadi and anti-Western campaigns on social media.’^{[footnote 119]}

10.3.2 In their Briefing Notes dated 27 October 2025, the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) noted for Pakistan that:

‘On 23 October 2025, the Pakistani government banned the Islamist party Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). This followed more than a week of clashes between TLP supporters and the police, in which, according to media reports, at least five people were killed … The background to these events was a march organised by the TLP, which took place at the beginning of the month from the eastern Pakistani city of Lahore towards the capital Islamabad. The destination was the US embassy in the capital, where the marchers wanted to demonstrate in solidarity with the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. The march eventually escalated into violent street battles between TLP supporters and the police in the city of Muridke near Lahore. The ban is the latest climax in the relationship between the Pakistani state and the TLP. With its views, particularly on blasphemy or the denigration of Islam, the TLP had gained considerable support among the population in recent years.’^{[footnote 120]}

10.3.3 The South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR) of the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP) noted in their weekly assessment, dated 27 October 2025:

‘On October 24 [2025], the Federal Interior Ministry notified the ban on the Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), declaring that the Federal Government had “reasonable grounds” to believe the religio-political party was connected to terrorism … This is not first time TLP has been banned, as the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Government proscribed the group on April 14, 2021, after violent protests caused the deaths of two Policemen and left 340 injured. The Federal Interior Ministry informed the Cabinet that the 2021 ban on TLP was lifted after six months on the assurance that it would refrain from violence, and that the current ban on the group stemmed from its reneging on those guarantees.’^{[footnote 121]}

11. Pashtun groups

11.1 Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM)

11.1.1 The PTM was founded in 2014 and advocates for the rights of ethnic Pashtuns, a distinct ethnic group living mostly in Pakistan and Afghanistan.^{[footnote 122]} It was mostly active in KP and Pashtun-dominated areas of Balochistan.^{[footnote 123]} Though not a political party, Al Jazeera noted in October 2024 that the group ‘… has at its peak pulled tens of thousands of people to largely peaceful rallies demanding better protection from the state.’^{[footnote 124]}

11.1.2 Repeating similar assertions made in its 2021^{[footnote 125]} and 2022^{[footnote 126]} reports, the USSD HR Report 2023 noted that:

‘The PTM and secular Pashtun political leaders claimed Pashtuns were targeted and killed by both antistate militants and security forces because of their political affiliation or beliefs, antimilitancy stance, or criticism of the government. PTM leaders and activists claimed they had been threatened, illegally detained, imprisoned without trial, banned from domestic and international travel, and censored. Anti-Taliban Pashtun activists and political leaders were targeted and killed, allegedly by militants, in Sindh, Balochistan, and KP. Pashtuns from the former FATA complained they were frequently profiled as militants, based on their tribe, dress, appearance, or ancestral district of origin. Pashtun activists claimed that they were subject to military censorship and that sedition laws were used to stifle PTM and other Pashtun critics of the government.’^{[footnote 127]}

11.1.3 On 6 October 2024 the government banned the PTM, listing it as a proscribed organisation.^{[footnote 128] [footnote 129]} A notification issued by the federal government said the PTM was “engaged in certain activities which are prejudicial to the peace and security of the country”.’^{[footnote 130]} The Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997^{[footnote 131]} describes the measures taken against proscribed groups. Under the Act, membership of a proscribed organisation is itself a criminal offence, even if the person is not involved in any other activity and is liable on conviction to imprisonment of up to 6 months and a fine.^{[footnote 132]}

11.1.4 Amnesty International called for the PTM ban to be revoked, stating that ‘The listing of the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement as a proscribed organization, days ahead of their gathering scheduled on 11 October [2024], is part of a systematic and relentless clampdown by the Pakistani authorities on peaceful protests and assemblies by dissenting groups …’^{[footnote 133]} The HRCP also condemned the decision and posted on X that the group had ‘… never resorted to violence and always used the framework of the Constitution to advocate its cause.’^{[footnote 134]}

11.1.5 According to Amnesty International, ‘Under the wide powers of the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA), the Pakistan government can designate any organization as proscribed “on the basis of information received from any credible source.” However, the government has failed to provide any concrete evidence in this regard about the PTM.’^{[footnote 135]}

11.1.6 The 2025 DFAT report noted that, even prior to the group’s proscription, PTM leaders faced arrest and were subject to enforced disappearances on the basis of their political opinions.^{[footnote 136]} The same report also noted that some PTM members were harassed and threatened with arrest due to their political opinion before the group was proscribed.^{[footnote 137]} The DFAT report added that ‘In October 2024, local and international media reported hundreds of PTM members had been arrested, and the movement’s leader, Manzoor Pashteen, was in hiding.’^{[footnote 138]}

11.1.7 Amu TV reported that, according to local activists and PTM officials, a PTM member, Tajmanullah, from South Waziristan, died in June 2025 after 8 years in custody, having never been formally charged or tried. Pashtun rights advocates stated that ‘Tajmanullah is one of hundreds of PTM members detained without due process in Pakistan.’^{[footnote 139]}

11.1.8 In March 2025, the Peshawar High Court ordered the federal government to submit cabinet minutes related to PTM’s proscription under the ATA, in response to a petition by PTM leader Manzoor Pashteen and other members, which challenged the group’s ban and the designation of a reported 250 PTM leaders.^{[footnote 140] [footnote 141]}

12. Treatment of political opponents

12.1 Allegations of corruption

12.1.1 Repeating the same statements made in its 2021^{[footnote 142]} and 2022^{[footnote 143]} reports, the USSD HR Report 2023 noted that ‘Corruption was pervasive in politics and government, and various politicians and public office holders faced allegations of corruption, including bribery, extortion, cronyism, nepotism, patronage, graft, and embezzlement.’^{[footnote 144]}

12.1.2 Similar to Freedom in the World reports of 2023^{[footnote 145]} and 2024^{[footnote 146]}, the Freedom in the World 2025 report observed that ‘Despite numerous formal safeguards, official corruption is endemic in practice. The use of accountability mechanisms is often selective and politically driven. The National Accountability Bureau (NAB), the government’s anticorruption body, focuses on cases against politicians and senior officials, which tend to be protracted. The military and judiciary have their own disciplinary systems for corruption.’^{[footnote 147]}

12.1.3 The Freedom in the World 2025 report further noted that:

‘Law enforcement mechanisms have repeatedly been abused to impede opposition parties. Under the 2018–22 PTI government, the PPP and PML-N faced a succession of corruption charges. After his own ouster as prime minister in 2022, Imran Khan faced similar treatment, culminating in his May 2023 arrest. Ahead of and after the 2024 general election, authorities, orchestrated by the army, imposed multiple restrictions on Imran Khan, other PTI leaders, and the party to ensure that they could not achieve a parliamentary majority to form a national government.’^{[footnote 148]} For information on historical corruption charges related to the PPP and PML-N see the archived version of the CPIN Pakistan: Political parties and affiliation, May 2023

12.1.4 The USSD HR Report 2023 noted that:

‘The NAB continued to press corruption charges against opposition political figures, but corruption charges were rarely pursued against figures aligned with the federal coalition government, and the NAB sometimes dropped investigations or prosecutions after a change in administration. Although multiple cases remained pending with the NAB, in June 2022 the government amended the NAB law’s anti-corruption provisions, greatly curtailing the watchdog’s powers. On September 15 [2023], the Supreme Court restored the NAB’s powers by rejecting amendments made to the National Accountability Ordinance, 1999.’^{[footnote 149]}

12.1.5 The 2025 DFAT report noted:

‘CSOs [civil society organisations], human rights defenders and politicians stated the NAB primarily used its powers to target government critics and those who had fallen out of favour with “the military and security services, including former prime ministers Imran Khan, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and Nawaz Sharif”. In July 2020, the Supreme Court ruled the NAB violated the rights to fair trial and due process in the arrest of two opposition politicians, Khawaja Saad Rafique and Khawaja Salman Rafique, whom the NAB detained for 15 months “without reasonable grounds”. The Supreme Court granted the men bail and criticised the NAB for showing “utter disregard to the law, fair play, equity and propriety”. CSOs, human rights defenders and politicians have also stated the NAB failed to investigate and close cases against those affiliated with Pakistan’s government.’^{[footnote 150]}

12.2 Freedom of expression and right to protest

12.2.1 As noted in the USSD HR Report 2024, and similarly observed in the USSD HR reports for 2022^{[footnote 151]} and 2023^{[footnote 152]}, the law allowed for freedom of expression and permitted citizens to criticise the government, publicly or privately, though the USSD HR Report 2024 added that ‘Journalists experienced physical threats, economic coercion, harassment, and violence when reporting on sensitive topics critical of the government, ruling political parties, and the military.’^{[footnote 153]}

12.2.2 Like similar observations made in the Freedom in the World reports of 2023^{[footnote 154]} and 2024^{[footnote 155]}, Freedom in the World 2025 noted, regarding the ability for civilians to freely express their views on political topics, that:

‘Pakistanis are free in practice to discuss many topics, but the 2016 Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act gives the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority (PTA) unchecked powers to censor material online. Its broad and poorly defined mandate includes prevention of both morally objectionable content and any maligning of the “state, judiciary, or armed forces.”

‘Direct or implied criticism of the military and its perspectives on national security can draw criminal or extralegal punishment.’^{[footnote 156]}

See also Monitoring and surveillance, including abroad

12.2.3 The law provides for ‘… the right to assemble peacefully and without arms, subject to any reasonable restrictions imposed by law in the interest of public order.’^{[footnote 157]} However, the right to protest peacefully was not always respected by the state.^{[footnote 158]} Freedom House Freedom in the World 2025 stated ‘There is a well-established pattern of law enforcement action against assemblies that the military considers prejudicial to its notion of national security, or which the civilian government considers a challenge to its authority.’^{[footnote 159]}

12.2.4 The EUAA Pakistan Country Focus noted that:

‘In September 2024, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) legislators introduced a new bill titled the Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Act in the Senate. The president signed the bill into law one week later. According to Al Jazeera the bills grant the authorities the right to regulate and ban public demonstrations and gatherings in Islamabad. Moreover, the bill increases the maximum penalty for taking part in an “unlawful assembly” to three years of imprisonment. According to the Deputy Regional Director for South Asia at Amnesty International (AI) Babu Ram Pant, the Peaceful Assembly and Public Order Act “is yet another attack on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in Pakistan”.’^{[footnote 160]}

12.2.5 EU System for an Enabling Environment for Civil Society (EU SEE), ‘a consortium of international organisations and network members in 86 countries [which] implements an Early Warning and Monitoring Mechanism to document changes and shed light on critical trends in the enabling environment for civil society’^{[footnote 161]}, noted in its Pakistan Country Focus Report, dated July 2025, that ‘Article 16 of the Constitution of Pakistan protects peaceful assembly, but this right is repeatedly curtailed through the use of Section 144 of Pakistan’s Penal Code, which allows local administrations to ban gatherings without judicial oversight. The use of Section 144 to consistently undermine the right to gather and protest has become a routine administrative mechanism to disrupt civil society events, particularly in urban areas.’^{[footnote 162]}

12.2.6 According to the 2025 DFAT report, ‘Mass protests are a common occurrence in Pakistan and are conducted with varying levels of violence, by protesters, police and the military.’^{[footnote 163]}

12.2.7 The 2025 DFAT report noted that:

‘Pakistan’s government has had less tolerance for public demonstrations critical of its action and the military following the 9 May 2023 protests against the arrest of Imran Khan, which involved tens of thousands of his supporters … Police responded to the 9 May 2023 protests with tear gas, rubber bullets, and charged protesters with batons. More than 4,000 people were arrested in the weeks after the 9 May protests. In response to Pakistan’s handling of the 9 May protests, UN Secretary-General António Guterres stated authorities “need to respect the right to peaceful assembly” and urged them to “respect due process and the rule of law in proceedings brought against former Prime Minister Khan”.’^{[footnote 164]}

12.2.8 The same report noted that ‘In response to the 9 May 2023 protests, Pakistan’s government deployed the military and imposed Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (1898), which prohibited all unauthorised public gatherings of over four people. Local media reported 14 civilians were killed during the 9 May protests, with no police and law enforcement officers killed.’^{[footnote 165]}

12.2.9 Reporting on other protests led by the PTI, the 2025 DFAT report noted:

‘Following the 8 February 2024 general election, more than 100 PTI members were arrested at nationwide protests against vote rigging. International media reported police officers attacked protesters with sticks at some of the PTI protests. A PTI spokesperson stated in March 2024 the majority of those arrested at the PTI protests had been released. Nine PTI members of parliament were also arrested in relation to their participation in a rally held in Islamabad on 8 September which was broken up with tear gas. In response to large PTI-led protests in Islamabad from 4-5 October 2024, police filed FIRs against Imran Khan, 63 PTI party leaders and over 3,000 PTI party workers for sedition, terrorism and attempted murder.’^{[footnote 166]}

12.2.10 The same report added ‘On 26 November 2024, upwards of 40,000 PTI protesters assembled on the outskirts of Islamabad to demand Imran Khan’s release from prison. Security forces conducted a clearance operation using tear gas and rubber bullets targeting reportedly 2,000-3,000 protesters who had entered central Islamabad. Local media reported 4,000 protesters were detained and six people killed during the protests.’^{[footnote 167]}

12.2.11 Al Jazeera noted regarding the November protests that ‘While some PTI leaders initially said hundreds of supporters had been killed, party chairman Gohar Ali Khan later said the number of dead protesters stood at 12.’ According to the PTI, at least 10 of those killed had bullet wounds.^{[footnote 168]}

12.2.12 In December 2024, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) conducted a fact-finding mission in relation to the November 2024 PTI protests in Islamabad and held meetings with police, federal ministers, lawyers, journalists covering the protests, PTI leaders and the families of victims associated with the PTI allegedly killed by law enforcement during the protests.^{[footnote 169]} The subsequent report, published in February 2025, noted that PTI’s former secretary-general, Omar Ayub Khan, told the HRCP that over 200 PTI workers were ‘missing and presumed dead …’, and that around ‘5,000 PTI workers had been arrested nationwide, primarily in Punjab.’^{[footnote 170]} According to an official at Islamabad’s Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC), where arrested protesters were taken, ‘… if no evidence was found against those arrested, they would be released.’^{[footnote 171]}

12.2.13 In their concluding observations, the HRCP noted that:

‘… The PTI claimed that a large number of protesters were killed, while the government asserted that its security forces were unarmed and that no protesters died. The mission was, however, able to speak to the families of seven people who were allegedly killed during the protest. In addition, there were reported deaths of Rangers [federal paramilitary forces] personnel.

‘… Reports indicate that some protesters carried slingshots, tear gas shells and firearms spotted on occasion. The administration demonstrated a clear lack of proficiency in managing the protest and used force excessively and disproportionately.

‘The mission is deeply concerned by allegations that the hospital administrations and police withheld the bodies of victims until their families agreed not to pursue any legal action.’^{[footnote 172]}

See also Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)

12.3 Monitoring and surveillance, including abroad

12.3.1 In July 2024, the government formally authorised the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to intercept calls and messages under Section 54 of the Pakistan Telecommunication Act, citing ‘national security.’^{[footnote 173] [footnote 174]}

12.3.2 The UN Human Rights Committee’s concluding observations on the state report on implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR), dated 2 December 2024, noted that:

‘The Committee remains concerned that the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act, 2016, grants the authorities overly broad powers to access and retain personal data and to share it with foreign Governments, without judicial authorization and sufficient oversight. It is also concerned about reports of the increase in surveillance measures and mechanisms in the State party, such as: (a) the authorization granted to the Inter-Services Intelligence in July 2024 to intercept telephone calls and text messages of citizens under section 54 (1) of the Pakistan Telecommunication (Re-Organisation) Act, 1996; and (b) the installation of a mass surveillance system (Lawful Intercept Management System) imposed on telecommunications companies, with the capacity to intercept data and telecom records of up to 4 million users without any regulatory oversight or judicial authorization. It is further concerned about reports that the intelligence agencies are conducting targeted surveillance and monitoring of individuals, in particular human rights defenders, journalists, political activists, politicians and individuals critical of the Government, including through the use of digital technologies such as spyware.’^{[footnote 175]}

13.3.3 Amnesty International’s 2025 report, Shadows of Control, revealed that Pakistan operated 2 major surveillance systems:

• Lawful Intercept Management System (LIMS), which allows interception of calls, texts, and internet activity of up to 4 million mobile phones at a time, including browsing history and location data^{[footnote 176]}

• Web Monitoring System (WMS 2.0): A firewall that inspects and blocks internet traffic, targeting social media and websites^{[footnote 177]}

12.3.4 Direct evidence of technical surveillance abroad of political activists could not be found amongst sources consulted (see Bibliography).

12.3.5 The Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR), appointed by the House of Lords and the House of Commons to consider matters relating to human rights in the United Kingdom, stated that, according to evidence submitted to the inquiry on Transnational repression (TNR) in the UK, Pakistan was alleged to have perpetrated such acts. However, the report did not provide any specific examples and at that time noted ‘There is no formal definition of transnational repression in the UK’.^{[footnote 178]} In May 2025, as a result of a UK Government Taskforce review on the UK’s response to TNR, Minister of State for Security, Dan Jarvis, stated: ‘The UK recognises TNR as a term to describe certain foreign state-directed crimes against individuals. This activity can take place both physically or online, with examples including intimidation, surveillance, harassment, forced/coerced return, abduction and even assassination at the most serious end of the scale.’^{[footnote 179]}

12.3.6 Freedom House defined TNR as ‘governments reaching across borders to silence dissent among diasporas and exiles, including through assassinations, illegal deportations, abductions, digital threats, Interpol abuse, and family intimidation.’^{[footnote 180]}

12.3.7 According to the USSD HR Report 2023^{[footnote 181]}, and the USSD HR Report 2024, ‘The government allegedly engaged in transnational repression to intimidate or extract reprisal against individuals outside its borders, including civil society activists, human rights defenders, and journalists.’^{[footnote 182]} The USSD did not provide its definition of TNR.

12.4 Enforced disappearances

12.4.1 The Human Rights Committee’s concluding observations on the state report on implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR), dated 2 December 2024, noted that:

‘The Committee is deeply concerned about reports of the increase in enforced disappearances, including those of short duration, torture and extrajudicial and summary executions allegedly perpetrated by members of the military and the police forces and of intelligence agencies, including extraterritorially, of human rights defenders, journalists, students, political activists, members of ethnic and religious minorities, public officials, including members of the Senate and the National Assembly, and political opponents and their families. It is also concerned about the lack of information on judicial investigations and prosecutions and about reports indicating an alarming degree of impunity surrounding reported cases, which leads to further violations. It remains concerned about the lack of explicit criminalization of enforced disappearances in domestic law and at reports that the national Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances is not sufficiently independent and that its work to date has not resulted in any criminal convictions in cases of enforced disappearance.’^{[footnote 183]}

12.4.2 For further information on enforced disappearances, see the Country Policy and Information Note on Pakistan: Actors of protection.

12.5 Attacks on political party members and supporters

12.5.1 The DFAT report noted that ‘Members of MQM have been the target of physical violence and extrajudicial killings, although the frequency of incidents has trended downwards since 2021. For example, an MQM party member was killed during clashes with rival PPP members in Karachi in January 2024 in the lead up to the general election. In February 2024, an MQM member was shot at his in-laws’ home in Karachi by unknown assailants.’^{[footnote 184]}

12.5.2 In their security report for 2024, the research and advocacy think-tank^{[footnote 185]}, Pak Institute for Peace Studies PIPS, cited an increase in political violence and armed clashes compared to 2023, which occurred across 15 districts between January and April 2024, linked to the February 2024 general elections. The report noted:

‘While only two such incidents were reported in 2023, as many as 19 were recorded in 2024, resulting in 15 deaths and 43 injuries … The violence involved workers and supporters from various political parties. In Punjab, the clashes included members of PML-N, PTI, PPP, and PML-Q. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, parties such as PPP, PTI, and JUI-F were involved. Incidents in Sindh included supporters of PPP, MQM-P, and GDA, while in Balochistan, clashing workers included those affiliated with PPP, BAP, PML-N, PTI, and independent candidates.’^{[footnote 186]}

See also General elections – February 2024

12.5.3 The chart below, drawn from data recorded by PIPS, in their 2021^{[footnote 187]}, 2022^{[footnote 188]}, 2023^{[footnote 189]} and 2024^{[footnote 190]} security reports, shows the number of targeted terrorist attacks against political leaders/workers compared to the total number of terrorist attacks (most of which targeted security and law enforcement personnel) in those years:

Targeted terrorist attacks 2021 to 2024:

Year	Total terrorist attacks	Political leaders/workers targeted	Election-related targets
2021	207	7	0
2022	262	8	0
2023	306	7	0
2024	521	53	17

12.5.4 According to the PIPS security reports for 2021, 2022, 2023 and 2024, the majority of terrorist attacks overall took place in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces.^{[footnote 191] [footnote 192] [footnote 193] [footnote 194]}

The USSD HR Reports for 2021 and 2022 both noted that, ‘Militants carried out numerous attacks on political party offices and candidates.’^{[footnote 195][footnote 196]} The USSD HR Report 2023 repeated this assertion. ^{[footnote 197]}

12.6 MQM-London (MQM-L)

12.6.1 In June 2023 it was reported that the official website of Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) leader and founder Altaf Hussain was unblocked in Pakistan after it had been banned for 7 years^{[footnote 198] [footnote 199]}. The MQM-L site was blocked in August 2016 following Hussain’s anti-Pakistan speech.^{[footnote 200][footnote 201]}

12.6.2 Altaf Hussain’s speeches were still banned from broadcast in Pakistan, according to reports.^{[footnote 202] [footnote 203]} The Lahore High Court (LHC) originally imposed this restriction in 2015 after his alleged ‘anti-army’ remarks, and petitions seeking a permanent ban were still being heard as of March 2025.^{[footnote 204][footnote 205][footnote 206]} The MQM-L was not listed as a proscribed group on the Pakistani government list of proscribed organisations.^{[footnote 207]}

12.6.3 In July 2023, The Express Tribune reported that 28 MQM-L workers were arrested after taking part in a rally where they expressed support for the party’s founder, Altaf Hussain.^{[footnote 208]}

12.6.4 In February 2024, the MQM-L announced it was backing 81 independent candidates in the national election. According to the party, at least 3 candidates were arrested ahead of the elections when police raided their homes soon after the MQM-L announced their support. The MQM-L also said that 15 other candidates’ houses were raided by police in Karachi and Hyderabad.^{[footnote 209]}

12.6.5 The HRCP’s State of Human Rights in 2024 report stated, in the section covering missing people in Sindh province, that ‘Allegations of victimization … surfaced against MQM-London candidates. Nisar Panhwar and his son Mohsin Nisar, both provincial assembly candidates, were reportedly taken by law enforcement agencies during a raid at their home in Saadi Town on 9 January [2024]. Nisar Panhwar’s other son, Hassan Nisar, approached the Sindh High Court seeking the recovery of his father and brother.’^{[footnote 210]}

12.6.6 Dawn news reported on 7 February 2024 that Panhwar and Mohsin were contesting the February 2024 elections ‘… as independent candidates backed by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement-London.’^{[footnote 211]}

12.6.7 Voicepk.net, a Pakistan digital media platform dedicated to investigating, reporting & broadcasting human rights and legal issues^{[footnote 212]}, reported that the pair were ‘… held in illegal detention for 43 days, during which their whereabouts were unknown to their family. The family approached the Sindh High Court, which directed recovery. They were released on February 21, 2024, without any judicial process, underscoring custodial torture and enforced disappearance.’^{[footnote 213]} According to the same report, this was the fourth time Nisar Panhwar had been ‘abducted’ and unlawfully detained by state agents since before 2022 (specific dates were not publicly available). Panhwar went missing again on 16 September 2025 with another MQM-L-affiliated leader, Anwar Khan Tareen.^{[footnote 214]}

12.6.8 Police in Hyderabad arrested 6 MQM-L supporters and booked over 60 others for chanting anti-Pakistan slogans during a Yom-e-Shuhda [martyr’s day] gathering at Pukka Qila, reported The Express Tribune on 11 December 2024.^{[footnote 215]} Authorities had blocked access to the memorial site with barbed wire and heavy security. A FIR (first information report) cited sections of the Pakistan Penal Code and Anti-Terrorism Act. Meanwhile, a Karachi court discharged 24 MQM-London activists arrested for violating Section 144, ruling that police lacked grounds for remand and ordering their release on surety bonds.^{[footnote 216]}

12.6.9 According to a report on Hamariweb.com, a Pakistan-based ‘info portal’, dated 9 January 2025, ‘Altaf Hussain banners in Karachi appeared recently and have reignited debates about his potential return to Pakistan’s political scene. After a 9-year absence, a large banner was prominently displayed at the Aisha Manzil Karachi’s pedestrian bridge … While there is no official confirmation of Hussain’s return, the reappearance of his banners has underscored his continued influence.’^{[footnote 217]}

12.6.10 However, it was reported that Altaf Hussain posted a message on X on 10 August 2025, in which he released party workers from their ‘oath of loyalty’ and said they were free to join any political party of their choice.^{[footnote 218][footnote 219]} He also said that he ‘… would continue the struggle for rights [of Mohajirs] through social media as long as he lived.’^{[footnote 220]}

Research methodology

The country of origin information (COI) in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2024. Namely, taking into account the COI’s relevance, reliability, accuracy, balance, currency, transparency and traceability.

Sources and the information they provide are carefully considered before inclusion. Factors relevant to the assessment of the reliability of sources and information include:

• the motivation, purpose, knowledge and experience of the source
• how the information was obtained, including specific methodologies used
• the currency and detail of information
• whether the COI is consistent with and/or corroborated by other sources

Commentary may be provided on source(s) and information to help readers understand the meaning and limits of the COI.

Wherever possible, multiple sourcing is used and the COI compared to ensure that it is accurate and balanced, and provides a comprehensive and up-to-date picture of the issues relevant to this note at the time of publication.

The inclusion of a source is not, however, an endorsement of it or any view(s) expressed.

Each piece of information is referenced in a footnote.

Full details of all sources cited and consulted in compiling the note are listed alphabetically in the bibliography.

Terms of reference

The ‘Terms of Reference’ (ToR) provides a broad outline of the issues relevant to the scope of this note and forms the basis for the country information.

The following topics were identified prior to drafting as relevant and on which research was undertaken:

• Political context and system, including military influence on governance.
• Ability to register parties and contest elections; barriers to participation.
• Treatment of members/supporters of mainstream parties (PML-N, PPP, PTI), sectarian parties, and ethnic movements.
• Specific focus on PTI, PTM, MQM (including MQM-London), and other dissenting voices.
• Patterns of repression: arrests, enforced disappearances, sedition laws, travel bans.
• Freedom of expression, right to protest, and surveillance practices.
• Political violence and attacks on activists.
• Corruption allegations and selective accountability.

Bibliography

Sources cited

Advox Global Voices

• Pakistan’s intelligence agencies gain legal cover for surveillance, 18 July 2024. Accessed: 8 December 2025

Al Jazeera

• As Pakistan’s newly elected parliament meets, a look at the PM candidates, 29 February 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Dead but not counted: Hidden victims of Pakistan’s latest political clash, 4 December 2024. Accessed: 27 January 2026

• Imran Khan vs Pakistan’s government: A timeline of political upheaval, 9 May 2024. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• Pakistan bans prominent Pashtun rights group citing security concerns, 7 October 2024. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• Pakistan election 2024: Which are the major political parties?, 3 February 2024. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• Pakistan poll body rejects ex-PM Imran Khan’s nomination for 2024 elections, 30 December 2023. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Shehbaz Sharif elected as Pakistan’s new prime minister, 11 April 2022. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• Why is Pakistan’s PTI fighting for reserved seats in parliament?, 7 March 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Amnesty International

• Pakistan: Authorities must immediately revoke ban on [PTM], 8 October 2024. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• Pakistan: Mass surveillance and censorship machine is fueled by Chinese, European, Emirati and North American companies, 9 September 2025. Accessed: 8 December 2025

• Pakistan: Shadows of Control: Censorship and mass surveillance in Pakistan, 9 September 2025. Accessed: 8 December 2025

Amu TV

• Pakistani activist dies after eight years in custody without trial, local group says, 24 June 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

ANI (Asian News International)

• Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) joins PML-N-led coalition govt at centre, 26 February 2024. Accessed: 4 November 2025

Arab News

• Candidates backed by Altaf Hussain’s MQM arrested ahead of national polls in Pakistan’s southeast, 6 February 2024. Accessed: 2 December 2025

Associated Press of Pakistan (APP)

• Ruling coalition secure two-third majority in national assembly, 6 March 2024. Accessed: 10 November 2025

Australian Government, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT)

• Country Information Report Pakistan, 30 April 2025. Accessed: 27 October 2025

BBC News

• Pakistan: Imran Khan sentenced to 14 years in corruption case, 17 January 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• Pakistan MQM founder Altaf Hussain arrested in UK, 11 June 2019. Accessed: 31 October 2025

• Pakistan: Shehbaz Sharif chosen as PM after week-long uncertainty, 11 April 2022. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Business Recorder

• Plea against ban on Altaf’s speeches: LHC FB adjourns hearing, 20 March 2025. Accessed: 3 December 2025

CIVICUS Monitor

• Pakistan: Criminalisation of Baloch and Pashtun activists, harassment of journalists and crackdown on protests, 24 November 2025. Accessed: 28 January 2026

The Conversation

• No party won a majority in Pakistan’s contentious election. What happens now?, 14 February 2024. Accessed: 27 January 2026

• Who we are, no date. Accessed: 27 January 2026

CNN

• Shehbaz Sharif: Pakistani legislators elect new prime minister to head coalition, 3 March 2024. Accessed: 10 November 2025

Dawn

• ANP leader Maulana Khan Zeb, cop gunned down in KP’s Bajaur: police, 10 July 2025. Accessed: 27 January 2026

• ANP new chief vows to protect 18th Amendment at all costs, 6 May 2024. Accessed: 31 October 2025

• Bilawal, Shujaat re-elected as PPP, PML-Q chiefs, 13 April 2025. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• The Decline of Islamist Politics?, 17 March 2024. Accessed: 26 November 2025

• Governor Tessori red-faced over remarks about ‘Bhai’s comeback’, 15 August 2025. Accessed: 4 December 2025

• Imran disqualified, 22 October 2022. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• Imran Khan loses no-trust vote, prime ministerial term comes to unceremonious end, 9 April 2022. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam — Fazl, 7 February 2024. Accessed: 26 November 2025

• LHC summons AGP to assist with 2015 plea seeking ban on Altaf Hussain’s media coverage, 19 March 2025. Accessed: 3 December 2025

• MQM-L website unblocked in Pakistan after seven years, 23 June 2023. Accessed: 2 December 2025

• Nawaz reclaims ‘N’ in PML-N after 6 years, 28 May 2024. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• PHC seeks cabinet meeting’s minutes on PTM ban, 12 March 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• PML-Q went on it become an integral part of Musharraf’s government, 16 July 2018. Accessed: 13 November 2025

• Pakistan Peoples Party, 14 July 2018. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• PTI announces mass resignations from National Assembly, 11 April 2022. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• PTI’s hopes dashed as rivals set to receive reserved seats, 28 June 2025. Accessed: 3 November 2025

• SC gives PTI its groove back, 13 July 2024. Accessed: 3 November 2025

• Setback for PTI as BNP-M quits ruling alliance, 18 June 2020. Accessed: 13 November 2025

• SHC irked by poor investigation in missing persons cases, 7 February 2024. Accessed: 2 December 2025

Dialogue Pakistan

• Governor Sindh claims Altaf Hussain set to return to Karachi politics, 12 August 2025. Assessed: 4 December 2025

The Diplomat

• Pakistan’s Islamist Parties Pivot to Economic Populism, 29 October 2025. Accessed: 26 November 2025

Dunya News

• Balochistan Assembly 2024, 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Govt to discuss key points of 27th Amendment with coalition allies, 4 November 2025. Accessed: 4 November 2025

• KP Assembly 2024, 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• National Assembly Election Results 2024, 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

The Economic Times

• Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s Cabinet takes oath, 19 April 2022. Accessed: 13 November 2025

Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP)

• List of All Political Parties, as on 22 October 2025. Accessed: 31 October 2025

European Council

• Pakistan: Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on the general elections, 9 February 2024. Accessed: 4 December 2025

European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA)

• Pakistan Country Focus, December 2024. Accessed: 8 December 2025

EU System for an Enabling Environment for Civil Society (EU SEE)

• About – Eu SEE, no date. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• Country Focus Report Pakistan, July 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

The Express Tribune

• ANP leader Maulana Khan Zeb among three killed in Bajaur shooting, 10 July 2025. Accessed: 27 January 2026

• Barrister Gohar elected as PTI’s new chairman, 2 December 2023. Accessed: 10 November 2025

• Crackdown continues as police arrest 28 MQM-London workers in Karachi, 10 July 2023. Accessed: 2 December 2025

• Govt defends legal cover for surveillance, 10 July 2024. Accessed: 8 December 2025

• PTI heavyweights jailed for ‘attacks on state institutions’, 1 August 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• PTI loses court battle for reserved seats, 28 June 2025. Accessed: 3 November 2025

• Six MQM-London workers arrested, 11 December 2024. Accessed: 2 December 2025

Firstpost

• Is Imran Khan’s PTI coming back? Pak SC overturns denial of reserved seats, 12 July 2024. Accessed: 3 November 2025

Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN)

• About us, no date. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• FAFEN preliminary election observation report of General Election 2024, 10 February 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• FAFEN Report: 100 Days of 16th National Assembly of Pakistan, 11 June 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Freedom House

• Freedom in the World 2023 – Pakistan, 2023. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Freedom in the World 2024 – Pakistan, 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan, 2025. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Transnational Repression, no date. Accessed: 5 December 2025

Gallup Pakistan

• JUI-F received 2.16 million votes in the 2024 General Elections, accounting for 3.7% of the national vote share, coming out as the 5th most popular political party nationally, and 2nd most popular religious party after TLP, 23 April 2024. Accessed: 26 November 2025

Geo TV

• After seven years hiatus, MQM founder Altaf Hussain’s website unblocked in Pakistan, 24 June 2023. Accessed: 2 December 2025

German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF)

• Briefing Notes, Group 62, 27 October 2025. Accessed: 12 November 2025

Hamariweb.com

• Altaf Hussain Banners in Karachi Spark Controversy and Rumors About His Comeback, 9 January 2025. Accessed: 4 December 2025

House of Commons Library

• Pakistan: 2024 general elections, 28 May 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP)

• November 2024 PTI Protests: An HRCP fact-finding report, February 2025. Accessed: 2 December 2025

• State of Human Rights in 2024, 2025. Accessed: 2 December 2025

Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) Parline

• Pakistan Election results 2024, no date. Accessed: 13 November 2025

International Crisis Group (ICG)

• Disputed Polls and Political Furies: Handling Pakistan’s Deadlock, 28 November 2024. Accessed: 3 November 2025

MM News

• Did MQM founder Altaf Hussain quit politics?, 11 August 2025. Accessed: 4 December 2025

National Herald

• Pakistan Assembly accepts resignations of 123 PTI MNAs, 8 May 2022. Accessed: 10 November 2025

National Assembly of Pakistan

• Composition, no date. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• Members, no date. Accessed: 13 November 2025

• Prime Ministers, no date. Accessed: 10 November 2025

National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA)

• The Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• NACTA: List of Proscribed Organizations, no date. Accessed: 27 November 2025

Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA)

• General Country of Origin Information Report on Pakistan, 5 July 2024. Accessed: 28 November 2025

New Age Islam

• A Subcontinent’s Sunni Schism: Understanding The Deobandi-Barelvi Rivalry in South Asia and Its Implications, 14 October 2024. Accessed: 8 January 2026

The News International

• PHC seeks cabinet meeting minutes about ban on PTM, 12 March 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

• Why did MQM split?, 27 September 2016. Accessed: 31 October 2025

Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS)

• Concept note, no date. Accessed: 28 October 2025

• Security Report 2021, 7 January 2022. Accessed: 28 October 2025

• Security Report 2022, 24 February 2023. Accessed: 28 October 2025

• Security Report 2023, 3 June 2024. Accessed: 28 October 2025

• Security Report 2024: An abridged version, 1 January 2024. Accessed: 28 October 2025

The Pakistan Code

• Constitution of Pakistan, 10 April 1973. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians (PPP)

• Central Office Bearers, no date. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Pakistan Press Foundation (PPF)

• LHC Reviews Petition Seeking Ban on Altaf Hussain’s Media Coverage; Issues Notice to Respondents and Summons AGP, 25 March 2025. Accessed: 3 December 2025

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)

• Imran Khan, no date, Accessed: 28 October 2025

Pakistan Today

• ECP declares all PTI-supported lawmakers as ‘independent’, 9 October 2025. Accessed: 3 November 2025

The President of Pakistan

• Asif Ali Zardari, no date. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Press Information Department (PID), Ministry of Information and Broadcasting

• PR No. 65 Statement by Caretaker Federal Minister for Interior Dr Gohar Ejaz, 9 February 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Samaa TV

• About us, no date. Accessed: 26 November 2025

• PML-N becomes largest party in NA after by-election wins, 24 November 2025. Accessed: 26 November 2025

South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), South Asia Intelligence Review (SAIR)

• Weekly Assessments & Briefings Volume 24, No. 19, 27 October 2025. Accessed: 12 November 2025

UK Parliament Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR)

• Transnational repression in the UK, Seventh Report of Session 2024-25, 30 July 2025. Accessed: 5 December 2025

• Transnational Repression Review, 14 May 2025. Accessed: 5 December 2025

UN Human Rights Committee (UNHRC)

• Concluding observations on the second periodic report of Pakistan [CCPR/C/PAK/CO/2], 2 December 2024. Accessed: 4 December 2025

United States Department of State (USSD)

• 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan, 12 April 2022. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan, 20 March 2023. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• 2023 Country Report on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan, 22 April 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 12 August 2025. Accessed: 27 October 2025

• 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan, 12 August 2025. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Voice of America (VOA)

• Pakistan’s PTI Barred From Using Cricket Bat Electoral Symbol, 14 January 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Voicepk.net

• About Us, no date. Accessed: 2 December 2025

• Two MQM senior leaders go missing again from Karachi, 17 September 2025. Accessed: 2 December 2025

X, @HRCP87

• HRCP condemns the government’s decision to proscribe PTM …, 6 October 2024. Accessed: 27 November 2025

Sources consulted but not cited

Al Jazeera, Why jail access to Pakistan’s Imran Khan has caused a political storm, 3 December 2025. Accessed: 5 December 2025

Associated Press (AP), Pakistan’s court scraps a lifetime ban on politicians with convictions from contesting elections, 8 January 2024. Accessed: 27 October 2025

Dawn, Suspected target killer with links to MQM-London arrested in Karachi IBO: Rangers, 25 May 2024. Accessed: 2 December 2025

Freedom House, Freedom on the Net 2025: Pakistan, 2025. Accessed: 5 December 2025

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), State of Democracy in Pakistan 2023, December 2023. Accessed: 28 October 2025

Gallup Pakistan, Digital Analytics, General Election 2024 – Dashboard, no date. Accessed: 12 November 2025

German Government, Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), A democracy in great need of reform, 7 August 2024. Accessed: 28 October 2025

Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Pakistan: Political situation, including events related the removal and arrest of Prime Minister Imran Khan; political parties and alliances (2022–December 2023), 11 January 2024. Accessed: 5 December 2025

International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), Submission of the International Commission of Jurists in advance of the examination of the second report of Pakistan under Article 40 of the international Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, September 2024. Accessed: 5 December 2025

TIME, The Trial and Imprisonment of Pakistan’s Imran Khan, 6 November 2025. Accessed: 27 November 2025

UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), Report of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, 21 July 2025. Accessed: 5 December 2025

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1. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 8), 28 May 2024 ↩

2. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (pages 8 to 9), 28 May 2024 ↩

3. National Assembly of Pakistan, Composition, no date ↩

4. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 16), 28 May 2024 ↩

5. Al Jazeera, As Pakistan’s newly elected parliament meets, a look at the PM…, 29 February 2024 ↩

6. PTI, Imran Khan, no date ↩

7. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 9), 28 May 2024 ↩

8. Dawn, Imran Khan loses no-trust vote, prime ministerial term comes to…, 9 April 2022 ↩

9. BBC News, Pakistan: Shehbaz Sharif chosen as PM after week-long uncertainty, 11 April 2022 ↩

10. Al Jazeera, Why is Pakistan’s PTI fighting for reserved seats in parliament?, 7 March 2024 ↩

11. Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2024 Country Report Pakistan (Political participation, page 10), 2024 ↩

12. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 9), 28 May 2024 ↩

13. President of Pakistan, Asif Ali Zardari, no date ↩

14. PPP, Central Office Bearers, no date ↩

15. The Pakistan Code, Constitution of Pakistan, (Article 44), 10 April 1973 ↩

16. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 2.50), 30 April 2025 ↩

17. USSD, Country Report on Human Rights 2022 (section 3), 20 March 2023 ↩

18. USSD, Country Report on Human Rights 2023 (section 3), 22 April 2024 ↩

19. USSD, 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 12 August 2025 ↩

20. USSD, 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan, 12 August 2025 ↩

21. Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2024 Country Report Pakistan (Political participation, page 9), 2024 ↩

22. Al Jazeera, Pakistan poll body rejects ex-PM Imran Khan’s nomination…, 30 December 2023 ↩

23. VOA, Pakistan’s PTI Barred From Using Cricket Bat Electoral Symbol, 14 January 2024 ↩

24. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section B2), 2025 ↩

25. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section B1), 2025 ↩

26. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section A3), 2025 ↩

27. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section A2), 2025 ↩

28. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.128), 30 April 2025 ↩

29. FAFEN, FAFEN preliminary election observation report of General Election 2024, 10 February 2024 ↩

30. FAFEN, About us, no date ↩

31. FAFEN, FAFEN preliminary election observation report of General Election 2024, 10 February 2024 ↩

32. European Council, Pakistan: Statement by the High Representative on behalf …, 9 February 2024 ↩

33. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.130), 30 April 2025 ↩

34. ICG, Disputed Polls and Political Furies: Handling Pakistan’s … (page 3), 28 November 2024 ↩

35. MOIB, PR No. 65 Statement by Caretaker Federal Minister for Interior Dr Gohar…, 9 February 2024 ↩

36. The Conversation, Who we are, no date ↩

37. The Conversation, No party won a majority in Pakistan’s contentious election …, 14 February 2024 ↩

38. Al Jazeera, As Pakistan’s newly elected parliament meets, a look at the PM…, 29 February 2024 ↩

39. APP, Ruling coalition secure two-third majority in national assembly, 6 March 2024 ↩

40. FAFEN, FAFEN Report: 100 Days of 16th National Assembly of Pakistan, 11 June 2024 ↩

41. IPU Parline, Pakistan Election results 2024, no date ↩

42. FAFEN, FAFEN Report: 100 Days of 16th National Assembly of Pakistan, 11 June 2024 ↩

43. Al Jazeera, Why is Pakistan’s PTI fighting for reserved seats in parliament?, 7 March 2024 ↩

44. Firstpost, Is Imran Khan’s PTI coming back? Pak SC overturns denial of reserved …, 12 July 2024 ↩

45. Dawn, SC gives PTI its groove back, 13 July 2024 ↩

46. Express Tribune, PTI loses court battle for reserved seats, 28 June 2025 ↩

47. Dawn, PTI’s hopes dashed as rivals set to receive reserved seats, 28 June 2025 ↩

48. Pakistan Today, ECP declares all PTI-supported lawmakers as ‘independent’, 9 October 2025 ↩

49. Samaa TV, About us, no date ↩

50. Samaa TV, PML-N becomes largest party in NA after by-election wins, 24 November 2025 ↩

51. National Assembly of Pakistan, (Members), no date ↩

52. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

53. National Assembly of Pakistan, Prime Ministers, no date ↩

54. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

55. Al Jazeera, Pakistan election 2024: Which are the major political parties?, 3 February 2024 ↩

56. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

57. Al Jazeera, Shehbaz Sharif elected as Pakistan’s new prime minister, 11 April 2022 ↩

58. Dawn, Nawaz reclaims ‘N’ in PML-N after 6 years, 28 May 2024 ↩

59. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

60. Dawn, Pakistan Peoples Party, 14 July 2018 ↩

61. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

62. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

63. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 10), 28 May 2024 ↩

64. Dawn, Bilawal, Shujaat re-elected as PPP, PML-Q chiefs, 13 April 2025 ↩

65. President of Pakistan, Asif Ali Zardari, no date ↩

66. CNN, Shehbaz Sharif: Pakistani legislators elect new prime minister to head …, 3 March 2024 ↩

67. Al Jazeera, Pakistan election 2024: Which are the major political parties?, 3 February 2024 ↩

68. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 11), 28 May 2024 ↩

69. Al Jazeera, Pakistan election 2024: Which are the major political parties?, 3 February 2024 ↩

70. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 11), 28 May 2024 ↩

71. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.141), 30 April 2025 ↩

72. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 11), 28 May 2024 ↩

73. BBC News, Pakistan: Shehbaz Sharif chosen as PM after week-long uncertainty, 11 April 2022 ↩

74. Dawn, PTI announces mass resignations from National Assembly, 11 April 2022 ↩

75. National Herald, Pakistan Assembly accepts resignations of 123 PTI MNAs, 8 May 2022 ↩

76. Dawn, Imran disqualified, 22 October 2022 ↩

77. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 13), 28 May 2024 ↩

78. Al Jazeera, Imran Khan vs Pakistan’s government: A timeline of political upheaval, 9 May 2024 ↩

79. House of Commons Library, Pakistan: 2024 general elections (page 14), 28 May 2024 ↩

80. CIVICUS, Pakistan: Criminalisation of Baloch and …(Peaceful assembly), 24 November 2025 ↩

81. Express Tribune, Barrister Gohar elected as PTI’s new chairman, 2 December 2023 ↩

82. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraphs 3.144 and 3.145), 30 April 2025 ↩

83. EUAA, Pakistan Country Focus (pages 123 to 124), December 2024 ↩

84. BBC News, Pakistan: Imran Khan sentenced to 14 years in corruption case, 17 January 2025 ↩

85. BBC News, Pakistan jails 108 members of Imran Khan’s party, 1 August 2025 ↩

86. Express Tribune, PTI heavyweights jailed for ‘attacks on state institutions’, 1 August 2025 ↩

87. Express Tribune, PTI heavyweights jailed for ‘attacks on state institutions’, 1 August 2025 ↩

88. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraphs 3.132 and 3.133), 30 April 2025 ↩

89. Dunya News, KP Assembly 2024, 2024 ↩

90. Dunya News, Balochistan Assembly 2024, 2024 ↩

91. Dunya News, National Assembly Election Results 2024, 2024 ↩

92. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.133), 30 April 2025 ↩

93. Dawn, ANP new chief vows to protect 18th Amendment at all costs, 6 May 2024 ↩

94. Netherlands MFA, General Country of Origin Information Report … (page 32), 5 July 2024 ↩

95. Dawn, ANP leader Maulana Khan Zeb, cop gunned down in KP’s Bajaur: police, 10 July 2025 ↩

96. Express Tribune, ANP leader Maulana Khan Zeb among three killed in Bajaur …, 10 July 2025 ↩

97. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.137), 30 April 2025 ↩

98. BBC News, Pakistan MQM founder Altaf Hussain arrested in UK, 11 June 2019 ↩

99. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.168), 20 February 2019 ↩

100. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.138), 30 April 2025 ↩

101. Dawn, Governor Tessori red-faced over remarks about ‘Bhai’s comeback’, 15 August 2025 ↩

102. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.138), 30 April 2025 ↩

103. ANI, Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) joins PML-N-led …, 26 February 2024 ↩

104. Dunya News, Govt to discuss key points of 27th Amendment with coalition …, 4 November 2025 ↩

105. Dawn, PML-Q went on it become an integral part of Musharraf’s government, 16 July 2018 ↩

106. Dawn, PML-Q went on it become an integral part of Musharraf’s government, 16 July 2018 ↩

107. Dawn, Setback for PTI as BNP-M quits ruling alliance, 18 June 2020 ↩

108. The Economic Times, Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s Cabinet takes oath, 19 April 2022 ↩

109. IPU Parline, Pakistan Election results 2024, no date ↩

110. Dawn, The Decline of Islamist Politics?, 17 March 2024 ↩

111. Dawn, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam — Fazl, 7 February 2024 ↩

112. Dawn, Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam — Fazl, 7 February 2024 ↩

113. The Diplomat, Pakistan’s Islamist Parties Pivot to Economic Populism, 29 October 2025 ↩

114. Gallup Pakistan, JUI-F received 2.16 million votes in the 2024 General Elections …, 23 April 2024 ↩

115. Dawn, The Decline of Islamist Politics?, 17 March 2024 ↩

116. Gallup Pakistan, JUI-F received 2.16 million votes in the 2024 General Elections …, 23 April 2024 ↩

117. The Economic Times, Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s Cabinet takes oath, 19 April 2022 ↩

118. New Age Islam, A Subcontinent’s Sunni Schism: Understanding The …, 14 October 2024 ↩

119. Netherlands MFA, General Country of Origin Information Report … (pages 32, 33), 5 July 2024 ↩

120. BAMF, Briefing Notes, Group 62 (page 8), 27 October 2025 ↩

121. SATP, SAIR Weekly Assessments & Briefings Volume 24, No. 19, 27 October 2025 ↩

122. Al Jazeera, Pakistan bans prominent Pashtun rights group citing security …, 7 October 2024 ↩

123. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.148), 30 April 2025 ↩

124. Al Jazeera, Pakistan bans prominent Pashtun rights group citing security …, 7 October 2024 ↩

125. USSD, 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 4), 12 April 2022 ↩

126. USSD, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 4), 20 March 2023 ↩

127. USSD, 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 6), 22 April 2024 ↩

128. NACTA, NACTA: List of Proscribed Organizations, no date ↩

129. Al Jazeera, Pakistan bans prominent Pashtun rights group citing security …, 7 October 2024 ↩

130. Al Jazeera, Pakistan bans prominent Pashtun rights group citing security …, 7 October 2024 ↩

131. NACTA, The Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997 ↩

132. NACTA, The Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997 (Section 11F) ↩

133. Amnesty International, Authorities must immediately revoke ban on [PTM], 8 October 2024 ↩

134. X, @HRCP87, HRCP condemns the government’s decision to proscribe PTM …, 6 October 2024 ↩

135. Amnesty International, Authorities must immediately revoke ban on [PTM], 8 October 2024 ↩

136. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.149), 30 April 2025 ↩

137. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.150), 30 April 2025 ↩

138. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.150), 30 April 2025 ↩

139. Amu TV, Pakistani activist dies after eight years in custody without trial, local …, 24 June 2025 ↩

140. News International, PHC seeks cabinet meeting minutes about ban on PTM, 12 March 2025 ↩

141. Dawn, PHC seeks cabinet meeting’s minutes on PTM ban, 12 March 2025 ↩

142. USSD, 2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 4), 12 April 2022 ↩

143. USSD, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 4), 20 March 2023 ↩

144. USSD, 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 4), 22 April 2024 ↩

145. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2023 – Pakistan (section C2), 2023 ↩

146. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2024 – Pakistan (section C2), 2024 ↩

147. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section C2), 2025 ↩

148. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section B2), 2025 ↩

149. USSD, 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 1e), 22 April 2024 ↩

150. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 2.59), 30 April 2025 ↩

151. USSD, 2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 2a), 20 March 2023 ↩

152. USSD, 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 2a), 22 April 2024 ↩

153. USSD, 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 2a) 12 August 2025 ↩

154. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2023 – Pakistan (section D4), 2023 ↩

155. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2024 – Pakistan (section D4), 2024 ↩

156. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section D4), 2025 ↩

157. The Pakistan Code, Constitution of Pakistan, (Article 16), 10 April 1973 ↩

158. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.159), 30 April 2025 ↩

159. Freedom House, Freedom in the World 2025 – Pakistan (section E1), 2025 ↩

160. EUAA, Pakistan Country Focus (page 126), December 2024 ↩

161. EU SEE, About – Eu SEE, no date ↩

162. EU SEE, Country Focus Report Pakistan (page 4), July 2025 ↩

163. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.168), 30 April 2025 ↩

164. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.160), 30 April 2025 ↩

165. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.143), 30 April 2025 ↩

166. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.163), 30 April 2025 ↩

167. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.166), 30 April 2025 ↩

168. Al Jazeera, Dead but not counted: Hidden victims of Pakistan’s latest …, 4 December 2024 ↩

169. HRCP, November 2024 PTI Protests: An HRCP fact-finding report (page 1), February 2025 ↩

170. HRCP, November 2024 PTI Protests: An HRCP fact-finding report (pages 6, 7), February 2025 ↩

171. HRCP, November 2024 PTI Protests: An HRCP fact-finding report (page 3), February 2025 ↩

172. HRCP, November 2024 PTI Protests: An HRCP fact-finding report (page 13), February 2025 ↩

173. Express Tribune, Govt defends legal cover for surveillance, 10 July 2024 ↩

174. Advox Global Voices, Pakistan’s intelligence agencies gain legal cover for …, 18 July 2024 ↩

175. UNHRC, Concluding observations on the second periodic report … (para 44), 2 December 2024 ↩

176. Amnesty International, Pakistan: Shadows of Control … (page 18), 9 September 2025 ↩

177. Amnesty International, Pakistan: Shadows of Control … (pages 29, 44 to 47), 9 September 2025 ↩

178. UK Parliament, JCHR, TNR in the UK (Summary, paragraph 8), 30 July 2025 ↩

179. UK Parliament, Transnational Repression Review, 14 May 2025 ↩

180. Freedom House, Transnational Repression, no date ↩

181. USSD, 2023 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 1f), 22 April 2024 ↩

182. USSD, 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Pakistan (section 3e) 12 August 2025 ↩

183. UNHRC, Concluding observations on the second periodic report … (para 24), 2 December 2024 ↩

184. DFAT, Country Information Report Pakistan (paragraph 3.139), 30 April 2025 ↩

185. PIPS, Concept note, no date ↩

186. PIPS, Security Report 2024: An abridged version (page 12), 1 January 2025 ↩

187. PIPS, Security Report 2021 (pages 16 to 17), 7 January 2022 ↩

188. PIPS, Security Report 2022 (page 12), 24 February 2023 ↩

189. PIPS, Security Report 2023 (page 16), 3 June 2024 ↩

190. PIPS, Security Report 2024: An abridged version (page 5), 1 January 2025 ↩

191. PIPS, Security Report 2021 (page 17), 7 January 2022 ↩

192. PIPS, Security Report 2022 (page 13), 24 February 2023 ↩

193. PIPS, Security Report 2023 (page 17), 3 June 2024 ↩

194. PIPS, Security Report 2024: An abridged version (page 6), 1 January 2024 ↩

195. USSD, ‘Country Report on Human Rights 2021’ (section 1g), 12 April 2022 ↩

196. USSD, ‘Country Report on Human Rights 2022’ (section 1g), 20 March 2023 ↩

197. USSD, Country Report on Human Rights 2023 (section 1i), 22 April 2024 ↩

198. Dawn, MQM-L website unblocked in Pakistan after seven years, 23 June 2023 ↩

199. Geo TV, After seven years hiatus, MQM founder Altaf Hussain’s website …, 24 June 2023 ↩

200. Dawn, MQM-L website unblocked in Pakistan after seven years, 23 June 2023 ↩

201. The News, Why did MQM split?, 27 September 2016 ↩

202. Dawn, LHC summons AGP to assist with 2015 plea seeking ban on Altaf …, 19 March 2025 ↩

203. PPF, LHC Reviews Petition Seeking Ban on Altaf Hussain’s Media Coverage …, 25 March 2025 ↩

204. Dawn, LHC summons AGP to assist with 2015 plea seeking ban on Altaf  …, 19 March 2025 ↩

205. Business Recorder, Plea against ban on Altaf’s speeches: LHC FB adjourns …, 20 March 2025 ↩

206. PPF, LHC Reviews Petition Seeking Ban on Altaf Hussain’s Media Coverage …, 25 March 2025 ↩

207. NACTA, NACTA: List of Proscribed Organizations, no date ↩

208. Express Tribune, Crackdown continues as police arrest 28 MQM-London workers …, 10 July 2023 ↩

209. Arab News, Candidates backed by Altaf Hussain’s MQM arrested ahead of …, 6 February 2024 ↩

210. HRCP, State of Human Rights in 2024 (page 71), 2025. ↩

211. Dawn, SHC irked by poor investigation in missing persons cases, 7 February 2024 ↩

212. Voicepk.net, About Us, no date ↩

213. Voicepk.net, Two MQM senior leaders go missing again from Karachi, 17 September 2025 ↩

214. Voicepk.net, Two MQM senior leaders go missing again from Karachi, 17 September 2025 ↩

215. Express Tribune, Six MQM-London workers arrested, 11 December 2024 ↩

216. Express Tribune, Six MQM-London workers arrested, 11 December 2024 ↩

217. Hamariweb, Altaf Hussain Banners in Karachi Spark Controversy and Rumors …, 9 January 2025 ↩

218. MM News, Did MQM founder Altaf Hussain quit politics?, 11 August 2025 ↩

219. Dialogue Pakistan, Governor Sindh claims Altaf Hussain set to return to  …, 12 August 2025 ↩

220. MM News, Did MQM founder Altaf Hussain quit politics?, 11 August 2025 ↩