Exploring the experiences of Hong Kongers, including BN(O)s, living in the UK

Question 1

Executive summary

Accepted Answer

This research was commissioned by UK government to explore the experiences of Hong Kongers, including British National (Overseas) (BN(O)) visa holders, living in the UK.

The research was conducted between December 2023 and January 2024 among adult (aged 18+) Hong Kongers living in the UK and comprised 50 individual in-depth qualitative interviews. Interviews were conducted by researchers at the independent social research agency Verian.

The findings laid out in this report will help UK government and partners to better support and respond to Hong Kongers in a sensitive and culturally informed manner.

The research found most participants felt welcome in the UK and in their local community. However, the extent to which they felt they had integrated into UK society and their local community varied. Four broad ‘levels’ of integration were identified among the participants:

those who identified as British
those who felt very integrated in UK society
those who felt distant from UK locals and society
those who felt very isolated from UK society

Based on the experiences of social interactions described by participants, the extent of their integration was found to be influenced by their reasons for moving to the UK, their English language proficiency, and the length of time they had lived in the UK:

Reasons for moving to the UK appeared to impact the mindset of individuals and how easy they found it to integrate into society, with those who had more proactive and positive reasons for moving to the UK tending to find it easier to integrate.
English speaking proficiency emerged as a crucial factor in participants’ ability to integrate socially in the UK, with those having more advanced language skills being more likely to feel part of UK society. The impact of an individual’s English language ability on their experience of living in the UK was evident. Lower levels of English language skills exacerbated challenges in areas such as securing employment, progressing at work, accessing services, and forming social connections.
The length of time that participants had lived in the UK also appeared to be an important factor in the extent to which they had integrated into society. Those who had been in the UK longer were more likely to feel part of society, and some identified as British. In contrast, those who had arrived in the UK more recently were less likely to feel part of UK society.

Although participants reported that they usually felt safe and able to express their cultural identity in the UK, some shared examples of discrimination they had experienced:

Many participants believed that they had not been treated differently by people in the UK because of their ethnicity but, when prompted, experiences of discrimination and hate crime were apparent. Examples of discrimination included verbal and physical abuse, as well as cultural, language and workplace discrimination.
The small but nevertheless important minority who reported experiencing discrimination often described it as having had minimal impact, dismissing incidents as “one-offs” or inevitable. However, there were indications of long-lasting impact on victims, including having to endure lower quality living standards, limited progression at work (due to discrimination in the workplace) and negative effects on their self-esteem or feelings of safety.

Participants held a broad spectrum of knowledge about and attitudes towards language:

Most participants spoke Cantonese and English, although fluency in English varied significantly. Decisions about which language to speak appeared to be dependent on the context in which individuals were speaking and their fluency in the language, as well as other factors such as a desire to improve their language skills.
Cantonese was reported to be the default language for many at home, as it was many participants’ native language and therefore the easiest way to communicate.
The contexts in which participants reported speaking English included at work, in educational or administrative settings, and when in public or communicating with British locals. Some participants also said that they would seek out opportunities to speak English in an effort to improve their spoken communication.
Higher confidence levels in speaking English were evident amongst those who had lived in the UK for a longer time, or among younger generations who had greater exposure to English-language media and culture.

Experiences of employment, housing and healthcare in the UK were diverse:

Employment status and job satisfaction varied significantly. Some participants had benefitted professionally from moving to the UK, with elements of their jobs such as the slower pace of work, better work-life balance and more reasonable management styles improving their experience at work.
In contrast, others had reluctantly accepted lower salary levels compared to their earnings in Hong Kong or could not secure a role in the UK at the level for which they were qualified or had prior experience in Hong Kong. This prompted concerns around low social status and the risk of losing professional skills.
Many participants faced systemic challenges in renting or buying accommodation. Lack of knowledge about the process of buying a house caused issues for some, with exchange of contracts, buyer chains and audit requirements causing confusion.

Awareness of the Welcome Programme was low among BN(O) visa holders:

Most participants demonstrated low levels of awareness about support available through the Programme, such as information about accessing services and to help new arrivals understand life in the UK. Participants were often unsure whether support was provided by government.
Views about the existence of a BN(O)-focused Welcome Programme were largely positive. While some participants felt the Programme showed the UK government cared about Hong Kongers, others were reluctant to engage because they did not want to accept outside help or felt it was not aimed at people like them.
Participants’ responses suggested they felt supported by the UK government and those with BN(O) visas were grateful for the existence of the visa route. However, the extent of government support desired by participants was mixed, as were views about specific areas of need within the cohort.

Several recommendations to further support Hong Kongers in the UK, spanning language, administrative, employment and cultural support, can be found in [Section 7](#conclusions] of this report.

Question 2

1. Introduction

Accepted Answer

1.1 Background to research

In October 2023, the previous UK government commissioned a research project to explore the experiences of Hong Kongers living in the UK. The purpose of the research was to enable government to better support and respond to Hong Kongers in a sensitive and culturally informed manner.

This report provides an overview of the project’s findings. It also includes a number of recommendations which could further improve UK government’s engagement with Hong Kongers in the UK; these were developed by the research team based on insights derived from the interviews and are intended to inform future policy development.

1.2 Research objectives

The overarching aim of the research was to explore the experiences of Hong Kongers living in the UK. Specifically, it aimed to explore this community’s:

level of integration into UK society
language usage, and fluency in English
lifestyle choices and behaviours, including modes of communication and culture, traditions and religions practised
experiences of discrimination and perceptions of safety
experiences of accessing employment, housing and healthcare
engagement with UK government
views on UK government’s public services, and specifically on the BN(O) Welcome Programme

1.3 Methodology

The research was conducted between December 2023 and January 2024 among adult (aged 18+) Hong Kongers living in the UK and comprised 50 individual in-depth qualitative interviews. Interviews were conducted by researchers at the independent social research agency Verian.

Eligible participants were originally from Hong Kong but now lived in the UK. The research included both individuals holding BN(O) visas and those without BN(O) visas to capture the wider Hong Konger experience in the UK as context for building a better understanding of BN(O)s. A full breakdown of the sample can be found in the Appendix (see 8.1).

Participants were recruited for the research in two ways: through specialist research recruitment agencies using free-find recruitment techniques, and through relevant voluntary sector bodies engaged by the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (MHCLG).^{[footnote 1]} Voluntary sector bodies invited their members to take part in the research, and those expressing interest were screened by Verian to ascertain eligibility and a broad spectrum of participants. Participants spanned a mix of age groups, genders, English regions, education levels and work statuses, and held different passport and visa types.

The research interviews were semi-structured, covering topics that aligned with the research objectives including social networks, employment, housing, healthcare, language and perceptions of safety. Interviews were offered and conducted in English or Cantonese, depending on the preference of the participant. Each interview lasted approximately one-hour and was conducted online.

1.4 Interpretation of findings

This research was qualitative in nature, and therefore findings are not representative of all adult Hong Kongers living in the UK, but only of the 50 Hong Kongers who participated in the interviews.

The findings outlined in this report are also anchored to the time the fieldwork took place. Participants’ perspectives may have been influenced by current affairs at that time and their opinions may have changed since in light of geopolitical developments, for example.

Whilst interviews were offered in both Cantonese and English to reduce recruitment bias based on language proficiency, there may have been some self-selection bias in the recruitment process in terms of those who volunteered to take part in the research. Participants within the MHCLG-secured voluntary sector bodies’ sample were members of local community groups and were therefore already engaged in the UK-based Hong Konger community. It is possible that those who agreed to take part in the research had a different level of integration in UK society or had different attitudes or concerns to the wider community.

To interpret and write up the findings detailed in this report, interviews conducted in Cantonese, or “Chinglish”, underwent a translation process which could have introduced a slight difference in meaning and thus interpretation.^{[footnote 2]}

Recommendations provided in this report were developed by Verian and are based on the insights derived from interviews, and are not necessarily representative of government views.

Question 3

2. Integration of Hong Kongers in the UK

Accepted Answer

Most participants said they felt welcome both in the UK and in their local community. However, the extent to which participants felt they had integrated into UK society and their local community varied from identification as British to strong feelings of social isolation.

An individual’s perceived level of integration was dependent on three key factors: their reasons for moving to the UK, their English language proficiency, and the length of time they had spent in the UK. Generally, those who had lived in the UK longer (including many ‘long-standing’ Hong Kongers interviewed) reported feeling more integrated than recent arrivals.^{[footnote 3]} In particular, newer émigrés who felt forced to move away from Hong Kong and spoke little to no English felt the least integrated.

When asked whether they felt welcome in the UK, most participants said they did because people in the UK have been generally “polite” and “helpful”. There was also an overarching sense that the UK welcomes immigrants and is a multicultural country. At a local level, most participants also said that they felt welcome, but the feeling was less universal when compared with how they felt in the UK more broadly. Some participants described how local people had introduced themselves and been friendly towards them when they arrived in their local area, whereas others felt ignored or had experienced negative interactions with local community members.

Despite the overarching sense that Hong Kongers felt welcome in the UK, not all participants felt part of UK society or their local community. The way in which individual participants defined and understood integration, and the extent to which they felt that they had integrated into UK society or their local community, varied significantly.

With regards to defining integration, some participants believed that if they contributed to the UK economy, voted in elections, and had a social network in the UK, then they could consider themselves to be integrated. Conversely, others felt that they could never fully integrate into the UK simply because of the fact they were from another country. Overall, participants expressed a desire to strike a balance between integrating into UK society and retaining their identity as Hong Kongers. Levels of integration observed among participants and examples of each level are presented in Table 2.1.

It’s a balance…we still need to support our local society, but we can also support each other among the newcomers from Hong Kong.

I wouldn’t call myself British. Although I live here, I don’t necessarily see it as a home…I don’t have family connections here…that’s quite a big factor to make me feel part of society.

I definitely feel that I am a British citizen.

Level of integration	Examples of indicators
Identifies as British	Holds a British passport. Part of UK decision-making as able to vote in elections.
Feels very integrated in UK society	Can express viewpoint and display personality in English. Has British friends. In employment and contributes to the UK economy. Has shared experiences with British locals such as being familiar with travelling on the tube in London or eating traditional British foods.
Feels distant from UK locals and society	Fairly confident in English but struggles to understand technical terms, cultural customs, or regional accents. Little social interaction with British locals.
Feels very isolated from UK society	Low or no confidence speaking English. Not in employment or has a working pattern that leads them to feel out of sync with those around them. Not part of social networks beyond immediate family with whom they have moved to the UK.

Based on the experiences described by participants, 3 key factors were identified that influenced an individual’s level of integration in the UK. Listed in no particular order:

their reasons for moving to the UK
their English language proficiency
the length of time they have lived in the UK

2.2.1 Reasons for moving to UK

The reasons for moving to the UK appeared to impact the mindset of individuals and how easy they found it to integrate into society, with those who provided more proactive and positive reasons for moving to the UK reportedly finding it easier to integrate.

Broadly speaking, the reasons participants provided for moving to the UK fell into a spectrum ranging from those that led participants to feel forced or ‘pushed’ out of Hong Kong to opportunities that had attracted or ‘pulled’ participants to life in the UK. Often, participants’ rationale for moving to the UK was not binary: a combination of push and pull factors were reported by many participants.

Participants who made a more proactive choice to move to the UK identified a broad range of pull factors when discussing their reasoning:

Some individuals were seeking a change in lifestyle, with the decision to move driven by a desire to experience living abroad. There was also a perception that the UK would enable a slower pace of life compared to Hong Kong, a change desired by many.
Some participants already had prior experience of living in the UK, either through education or work, and were therefore familiar with UK culture or had existing social connections which acted as a driver.
The educational opportunities available in the UK were also cited as a reason for moving to the UK. The UK’s school environment, which was perceived to be less intense than in Hong Kong, and the reputation of the UK’s education system appealed to many participants. Some parents spoke about wanting their children to attend school in the UK to give them time to adjust to the education system before going to university.

I’m facing a new opportunity, like an adventure.

I thought my children studying here would be happier – because I used to study here.

The political system in the UK acted as a pull factor for some, as there was a sense that life in the UK would offer freedoms that individuals would not have in Hong Kong.

However, some participants left Hong Kong more reluctantly, feeling they had to move out of necessity, having been politically ‘pushed out’ by changes in the political environment. These individuals had not proactively chosen to move to the UK but had opted for a new start in the UK having carefully considered ease of movement, cost and timeframes against other options. Other countries participants had considered moving to included Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, and Canada. Many ultimately decided on the UK due to their possession of a British passport or the existence of the BN(O) visa route, both of which reduced costs and made the process of moving significantly quicker.

I want my daughter to grow up in a place of freedom and democracy and rule of law.

It wasn’t really that we wanted to move over here. It was more that we didn’t have much of a choice. We had to get away from that situation and just protect ourselves.

I feel like a lot of people who decide to move to the UK [do so due to] political reasons in Hong Kong. They don’t feel safe anymore, they don’t feel good for their child anymore and the next generation…and maybe financial-wise because of the political reasons they don’t see Hong Kong would be any good on the economic side and so they move to the UK.

While individuals had various reasons for moving to the UK, spanning both ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors, those who felt they had been pushed to emigrate largely out of necessity or with greater reluctance tended to find it harder to integrate in the UK. Such individuals were generally less familiar with UK culture and language, were less financially stable and were more anxious about adjusting to their new lifestyle; they were also concerned about their family and friends back in Hong Kong. In contrast, those who had made a more proactive choice were more likely to be familiar with UK culture and language, were more prepared to embrace a new lifestyle and may already have had a social network in the UK.

2.2.2 English language proficiency

Proficiency in speaking English emerged as a crucial factor in participants’ ability to integrate socially in the UK, with those holding advanced language skills more likely to feel part of UK society. Those who described their English language proficiency as “basic” felt less well integrated, as their vocabulary limited them to simple day-to-day tasks such as ordering food at a restaurant or finding items in the supermarket, and they felt less able to express themselves or consume English-language media.

If you don’t speak English, you can’t really watch TV…it makes it really hard to integrate into society.

In conversations where I have to talk about feelings, or describe a little bit more about my life, I will have limited vocabulary and don’t know how to express myself.

Those who could search and successfully apply for a job and navigate communication in the workplace described themselves as having “business” English. This level of language proficiency was seen as advantageous, as it not only enabled participants to be economically active, but also facilitated social interactions with colleagues which could, in turn, help to improve their English language skills and provide further social interactions.

As long as you can get a job, you can have much better English language ability.

Those who were able to express themselves fully, and understand cultural references and nuances, were most likely to feel integrated as this led to shared understanding and experiences. Being able to engage in small talk was given as an example of this.

I still struggle to understand jokes from my colleagues…I know it’s a long journey and no quick fix for that.

2.2.3 Length of time in UK

The length of time that participants had spent in the UK also appeared to be an important factor in the to which they felt they had integrated into society. Those who had lived in the UK for a longer period of time were more likely to feel part of society and some identified as British, even when not yet in possession of a UK passport. In contrast, those who had arrived in the UK more recently were less likely to feel part of UK society.

When people ask me what nationality I consider myself, and I would say British.

(Dual passport holder)

Engagement with social networks was evidently vital in helping participants integrate into UK society. For example, engagement with the Hong Konger community in the UK supported participants in navigating new civic systems and cultural customs, which was especially helpful for more recently-arrived individuals. In contrast, interactions with British locals made participants feel part of UK society in a broader sense.

To better understand Hong Kongers’ social networks, participants were asked about different groups they interacted with on a regular basis, including British locals, Hong Kongers, and other groups in the UK. Cultural preferences, individual circumstances and political views all influenced who participants chose to interact with and the extent to which they interacted with them.

2.3.1 Engagement with British locals

In terms of engagement with British locals, participants cited a range of interactions, from brief encounters with neighbours and shop assistants to relationships with work colleagues or fellow parents at their children’s school. Some had deliberately moved to an area where there was no established Hong Konger community to better integrate with British locals.

However, many participants had experienced difficulties in forming connections with British locals, either due to language ability or perceived cultural differences and references.

I think it’s hard to get close to the local people as they are not very direct. It’s like there is a wall between us.

I do speak with my neighbours but it’s just to say ‘hi’ and ‘bye’ and talk about the weather…you can never really join in like a local to the conversation. …Even though I speak English it’s things about the UK like the programmes on BBC or on ITV I never saw…it’s difficult for me to really mix with the locals.

2.3.2 Engagement with Hong Konger community in the UK

Participants’ engagement with the Hong Konger community since moving to the UK included interactions with pre-existing social connections and Hong Kongers in their local area, and interacting with Hong Kongers through social groups, both in person and online.

Participants described a sense of solidarity among Hong Kongers in the UK given their shared experience of emigrating, and many said they found it easier to make friends with other Hong Kongers due to a shared cultural understanding and language. They either met through pre-existing social networks, from their local area, through social groups (including church groups, volunteering projects related to Hong Kong or at English language classes) or in online groups for Hong Kongers. The sense of connection between those who had recently arrived through the BN(O) visa route was felt to be particularly strong.

The bond is strong…we have shared the same experience and same decision-making process.

In terms of how they spend their time with other Hong Kongers, participants would often share food (e.g. yum cha, dim sum, eating out at Asian restaurants) or gather to partake in Hong Kong games (e.g. mahjong, Chinese chess) or traditions and festivities (e.g. Chinese/Lunar New Year, Mid-Autumn Festival).

Despite many participants choosing to move to and settle in an area in the UK with an established Hong Konger population, others chose to live away from these areas as they felt that living in ‘local’ areas would help them assimilate into UK society more quickly. Some participants also demonstrated a negative view towards being part of a Hong Konger community in the UK. There was sometimes a perception that Hong Kongers can be “judgemental” and “competitive” and that this can encourage petty gossip and an environment that they want to avoid.

I don’t want my daughter to live with too many Hong Kongers.

Physical proximity to the Hong Konger community aside, most participants engaged with other Hong Kongers to some degree via online platforms. In general, participants were pleasantly surprised by how helpful the Hong Konger community in the UK were in sharing recommendations and advice. For those with limited English or newer to life in the UK, the community was seen as a critical support system in helping them navigate their new life, from registering with a GP to finding Cantonese ingredients at the supermarket.

I think [engaging with the Hong Konger community is] a good idea for people who just have no idea about the UK…it’s good support for them to find a house, rent a house.

2.4 Modes of communication

In order to settle and integrate into UK society, participants reported generally using multiple modes of communication, and it appears that a combination of face to face and online interactions were optimal to achieve greater levels of integration.

2.4.1 Online interactions

Although the social interactions described by participants took place both face to face and online, online channels were often cited as a common mode of communication for Hong Kongers moving to or living in the UK.

In addition to using online platforms to stay in touch with friends and family or to form new connections, many participants mentioned online groups of Hong Kongers that acted as a source of information and advice about life in the UK. They described how online groups of Hong Kongers acted as a crucial support network, helping them to navigate different cultures, systems and even neighbourhoods in the UK.

Platforms such as WhatsApp and Facebook were commonly used to ask questions about life in the UK before they moved, including advice about where to live, the reputation of schools and job opportunities. These groups continued to be useful when participants arrived in the UK as they sought information about social events, where to obtain certain Chinese ingredients, and continuous advice on how to navigate aspects of life in the UK.

I joined some Facebook groups and found a Hong Kong community was formed. People do not know one another but they would still share things in life. This is not common in Hong Kong.

Groups for professionals online were also cited as useful sources of information, helping those working in certain industries such as medicine or finance to advance professionally by connecting with other like-minded professionals.

Online channels were also used to improve English language skills through online ‘English as a Second Language’ (ESL) lessons and by reading and writing online in English.

Gathering information or connecting with people is easier online. To a certain extent, it helped with the integration.

2.4.2 Offline interactions

Examples of offline social interactions cited by participants included attending Church; social clubs or classes (e.g. for sports, hobbies or English language lessons); Hong Kong community groups or meet-ups (e.g. social events or organised by community interest companies) as well as informal interactions with people immediately around them such as neighbours, colleagues, parents at school, and out and about were also mentioned as important interactions that helped individuals to integrate.

Question 4

3. How safe do Hong Kongers feel in the UK

Accepted Answer

While participants reported they usually feel safe and able to express their cultural identity in the UK, some shared examples of discrimination and hate crime they had experienced.

3.1 Experience of expressing their cultural identity

On the whole, participants said that they felt comfortable expressing their cultural identity and openly practising their religious and cultural traditions since moving to the UK. Participants celebrate Cantonese traditions such as Chinese or Lunar New Year, Mid-Autumn Festival and Winter Solstice by having dinners with friends and family, sourcing traditional food or attending events. There was a perception that such events are more likely to happen in big, multicultural cities or in areas with a large Hong Konger community.

You are free to celebrate whatever you want, as long as you do it in a decent way.

However, some challenges to celebrating these traditions were identified, primarily that it could be more logistically difficult for participants to celebrate certain traditions as they would not necessarily coincide with UK bank holidays.

Despite this, participants identified benefits to celebrating their traditions in the UK, including that they have a better work-life balance compared to their situation in Hong Kong and can therefore dedicate more time to enjoying cultural events. There was also a sense that UK society is more open-minded than Hong Kong and there are many opportunities to get involved in different cultural activities from Hong Kong, the UK and globally.

3.2 Experience of discrimination and hate crime

Many participants reported not being treated differently by people in the UK because of their ethnicity. However, when prompted, experiences of discrimination and hate crime were apparent. Many participants found the term ‘hate crime’ confusing and spoke about experiences of discrimination and hate crime interchangeably. Examples of discrimination included verbal and physical abuse, as well as cultural, language and workplace discrimination. Participants mentioned incidents that took place both online and offline.

There really is racism, I am a minority here.

There are little things at work…I’m the only Asian. Nurses are more hostile to me and blame me for things.

3.2.1 Reflections on perceived ethnicity-based discrimination/hate crime

A significant minority of participants cited various experiences of discrimination that they felt was based on being from Hong Kong or their BN(O) visa status.

1) Verbal abuse: Some participants recalled being subject to racial slurs, comments, or bullying (particularly in a school environment) about their appearance, including language that was threatening and intimidating. There were some mentions of how the Covid-19 pandemic had also prompted verbal abuse towards some participants and their children who were accused of bringing Covid-19 to the UK.

2) Physical abuse and/or intimidation: Some participants had food thrown at them by members of the public. One participant had also received a hostile response from their neighbours, who had erected signs outside their house calling for them to ‘go back home’.

3) Cultural discrimination: Many participants expressed frustration that people in the UK often assume they are from China. There was also a perception among some participants that they were treated differently by landlords when they found out they were from Hong Kong, with rental prices being increased due to perceptions of wealth.

4) Workplace discrimination: Some participants reported feeling overlooked or ignored in professional environments. For some, this went as far as bullying by colleagues who deliberately made work more difficult for them.

5) Linguistic discrimination: This included being laughed at for not using typical English phrasing, or for using a more direct communication style.

3.2.2 Response to discrimination/hate crime

Participants tended to report ignoring discriminatory behaviours and walking away. This was because participants either dismissed incidents as a “one-off” or felt that such incidents were somewhat inevitable. Some actively chose not to report the behaviour to the authorities in case it negatively impacted their British citizenship application.

Despite participants often describing the discrimination or hate crime they had experienced as having had minimal impact on their lives, researchers observed from participant accounts that there may have been more long-lasting effects for victims. This included having to endure lower quality living standards and limited progression at work (due to workplace discrimination), as well as impacts on individuals’ self-esteem and general feelings of safety on a day-to-day basis. However, participants may have decided not to tell researchers about some examples of discrimination, may not have recalled them, or may not have viewed them as being discriminatory.

Despite many participants either having had direct experience of discrimination or having heard of other Hong Kongers having negative experiences, there was an overriding perception that the UK is a multicultural country that is welcoming towards immigrants.

The people here are used to faces of people from different places, and don’t have a particular stance on Hong Kongers.

Question 5

4. Experience of the English language among Hong Kongers

Accepted Answer

There was a broad spectrum of knowledge about and attitudes towards language amongst the research cohort. Participants were asked about the languages they speak in different contexts, their confidence in speaking English, their experience of learning English and the impact their English language proficiency has on their life in the UK.

4.1 Language use

Most participants spoke both Cantonese and English, although fluency in English varied significantly. The decision about which language to speak appeared to be dependent on the context in which individuals were speaking and fluency in the language, as well as being driven by other motives such as a desire to improve their language skills.

4.1.1 Cantonese

Cantonese was reported to be the default language for many at home as it was their native language and therefore the easiest way to communicate. Parents also expressed a preference for speaking to their children in Cantonese at home to maintain their children’s Cantonese language skills and to retain their Hong Konger identity.

We still speak Cantonese because it’s kind of more comfortable for us to express ourselves fluently.

I do not let my kids speak English at home. I hope they won’t forget who they are.

Participants said that they would also speak Cantonese when interacting with other Hong Kongers, especially those who have arrived in the UK more recently.

However, for some, there was an element of self-censorship around speaking Cantonese, with many participants claiming that they avoid speaking it in public due to concerns about appearing “rude” or “impolite” to those who do not understand what they are saying. It was perceived as a form of respect to local people to minimise speaking in Cantonese.

I will not speak Cantonese loudly…we are guests in the UK. We shouldn’t be too loud.

I don’t want local people to wonder what I’m saying…I don’t want them to think we’re talking about them.

Others disagreed with this as they felt the UK was multicultural and people were used to and tolerant of hearing different languages being spoken, especially in cities like London.

It’s perfectly fine because honestly there’s a lot of people speaking other languages. No one cares what you’re speaking, and people respect if you’re speaking another language.

4.1.2 Speaking English

The contexts in which participants reported speaking English included: at work, in educational or administrative settings, when in public, and when needing to communicate with British locals. Some participants also said they would seek out opportunities to speak English if they wanted to improve their spoken communication. Indeed, opportunities to practise English with native speakers were highly sought after.

Generally speaking, the highest confidence levels in speaking English were evident in those who had lived in the UK for a longer period of time, or among younger generations who had greater exposure to English-speaking media and culture.

4.2 Experiences learning English

Experiences of learning English since moving to the UK were mixed: participants arrived in the UK with varying levels of proficiency. There were several ways participants had learned English, including formal and informal channels. These included learning English:

at school in Hong Kong: Participants said that English is widely taught at schools in Hong Kong so there was a perception that most Hong Konger’s should have a basic level of English language (though this may be more skewed to reading and writing)
through English lessons in Hong Kong and in the UK
through work in the UK: To secure employment, Hong Konger’s need some level of English and therefore English learnt this way was to advance to “business” English.
interacting with local people in the UK: This included speaking to friends and colleagues, and while out and about in the UK
by engaging with British or English-language culture: This included television, radio, and social media

4.2.1 Challenges learning English

On the whole, participants felt their English speaking and listening skills were weaker than their reading and writing abilities. This was reflected in the challenges that they identified to learning English.

Despite awareness that English language provision in local areas existed, many participants were unable to attend the classes as they were often full or took place during working hours. And for those who had attended the classes, there was a sense that the level was too simplistic and theoretical and did not equip them with the language needed for day-to-day communication.

Participants also reflected on how difficult they found it to initiate interactions with native speakers to practise their English. This was felt to be particularly challenging in rural areas as there was a perception that locals could be less tolerant of non-native speakers.

Some also mentioned that certain regional accents and phrases had made learning English more difficult for them, as the English language that they had learned in the classroom in Hong Kong was significantly different to and more basic than actual English vernacular.

You think you know English, then you realise that you have your own accent, other people have their own accents.

There’s one barrier I experienced when I first moved, not to the UK but when I was in Liverpool, it’s because of the scouse [accent].

I came to Yorkshire and a lot of people speak with a very heavy Yorkshire accents. I struggled a bit with that too.

4.3 Impact of English language proficiency

The impact of individuals’ English language capability on their experience of living in the UK was evident. Lower levels of English language skills exacerbated situations that were already challenging to Hong Kongers settling in the UK, such as getting a job, progressing at work, accessing services, and forming social connections.

Participants also described how their English language proficiency influenced certain decisions they made, including where to live (deliberately choosing to live somewhere with a local accent that they can easily understand) or what jobs to consider.

Proficiency in English has a huge impact on life in UK. People who cannot speak English may only be able to earn minimum wages.

Question 6

5. Experiences of accessing employment, housing, and healthcare

Accepted Answer

There were a wide range of experiences in the way participants accessed employment, housing, and healthcare. For gaining employment and finding somewhere to live, there were a number of different tailored factors (e.g. line of work, support network in the UK, parental status) that influenced participants’ decision making. In general, participants found UK systems operated in a very different way to what they were familiar with in Hong Kong and low English language proficiency continued to be a prominent barrier for some.

5.1 Employment

5.1.1 Gaining employment in the UK

While the professional profile of participants and their experiences of gaining employment in the UK varied, some challenges were shared in common.

Many participants talked about how a lack of familiarity with the process of applying for jobs in the UK acted as a barrier to securing employment. They reflected on how recruitment processes in the UK typically require tailored applications, answering competency-based questions, multiple interview rounds, a focus on character and personality, and the need for applicants to ‘sell’ themselves to employers; these felt very different to the process in Hong Kong. Oral interviews were a particular drawback for those who lacked proficiency or confidence in spoken English and a lack of feedback from prospective employers accentuated this issue.

I didn’t prepare that they would ask a lot of questions because it was just a job for one month, it’s just a supermarket job, it should be easy but actually…they ask you lots of questions about customer experience [and] you have to be confident to say it in English.

There was also a sense among participants that their experience outside of the UK or in comparable sectors was overlooked and that qualifications from Hong Kong were not always recognised. In addition to this, some participants had experience of recruiters not understanding the implications of their BN(O) visa status.

HR need to make an effort to match your qualification with the locals. Sometimes they may not go through the trouble and don’t know the nature of the BN(O) visa well enough so you will be screened out in round one.

People prefer to hire permanent residents instead of people with a visa.

Participants with children also found it challenging to balance employment and childcare. This was because participants’ extended families had not necessarily moved to the UK with them and were therefore unable to provide informal childcare support. Additionally, participants found childcare fees to be too expensive in the UK: many previously had domestic helpers in Hong Kong which allowed them to work. More broadly, a lack of available and affordable childcare limited participants to roles offering part-time or flexible hours and even prevented some from entering the job market all together.

Cheaper childcare or discounted, so that it’s not my entire salary…they’re £30 or £40 a day, how do I pay that? It’s the same as my hourly rate salary, so what’s the point, I should just look after my daughter myself. It’s not worth it.

5.1.2 Employment status in the UK

The employment status and job satisfaction among participants varied significantly. Some had benefitted from moving to the UK, either deliberately or fortuitously, with the slower pace of work, better work-life balance and more reasonable management style improving their experience at work. Some suggested that older participants or those with families were more likely to be attracted to the slower pace of life and better work-life balance.

In contrast, some had reluctantly accepted lower salary levels compared to what they earned in Hong Kong or could not find the level of work that they were qualified for. These participants tended to have more limited English language proficiency and not have qualifications from the UK. This prompted concerns around low social status and being at risk of losing their professional skills and competencies.

I haven’t been able to find a job that matches what I did in Hong Kong.

[My job] is the bottom of the food chain…I can’t even pay rent. I have to live on my savings.

Some participants had more financial security than others and therefore felt less pressure to find employment, and thus an income, quickly upon arrival. Conversely, those who were single émigrés often did not have the security net of another family member’s earnings while trying to secure employment, thus adding a sense of urgency to finding a job.

5.2 Housing

5.2.1 Securing accommodation in the UK

Multiple factors influenced where participants settled in the UK, with proximity to good schools (for those with children), safety, and convenience for basic amenities the most prevalent within the research cohort. Other considerations included proximity to pre-existing social networks, affordability, comprehensible accents of local people, the presence of a Hong Konger community, the type of dwelling (i.e. apartment or house), climate, employment opportunities and the attitude of locals towards immigrants. There was also some suggestion that younger and/or single people may have a preference to relocate to more urban areas.

I’m not very young so I don’t need to build up my career again in the UK, I just want to get an okay job and maintain my life here…If I was a young person then of course I’d actively look for higher paid jobs or better jobs even in Manchester or Liverpool.

Many participants who had arrived in the UK more recently reported enduring lengthy stays in costly short-term let properties, like those offered by Airbnb, when they first arrived and were researching local areas and housing options, before securing a more permanent housing situation; in some cases, this situation lasted for several months.

Many participants faced systemic challenges in securing accommodation, either to rent or to buy. Lack of knowledge about the process of buying a house caused issues for some, with processes such as exchanging contracts, buyer chains and audit requirements causing confusion. For those renting, the speed and pressure of the process of finding a rental was off-putting, including the expectation to exceed asking prices and landlords requiring a year’s rent upfront (which felt limiting to those who had recently arrived in the UK and were reluctant to commit to a local area for so long, assuming they had the funds required).

Likewise, the double requirement for proof of address to secure employment and proof of employment to secure accommodation was contradictory and difficult to resolve. The complexity of these processes was particularly difficult for those with limited English language proficiency to navigate, and some participants expressed fears of falling victim to unethical practices by those offering accommodation.

These housing things are different in Hong Kong, like we don’t have referencing.

The only way you can rent a house in the UK as a fresh grad[uate] is to pay 12 months rent up front because nowhere in the UK, especially London, allows you to rent without income evidence…as a fresh grad[uate] you can’t really afford to pay 12 months rent upfront.

5.3 Healthcare

5.3.1 Accessing healthcare services

The healthcare system in the UK presented a very different experience than participants were used to in Hong Kong. They found certain services, such as registering with a GP and using online services, were relatively straightforward to navigate, while others were much less clear. For example, they were not sure about the best entry points for primary care in terms of circumstances when they should go to their GP, call 111 or go to A&E.

When I had flu, no GP was available. I called 111 and waited forever. In the end, someone answered and asked me to drink more water.

There was also a sense that the expectations of patients are different in the UK where individuals are expected to ‘self-serve’ (educate and understand symptoms, self-treat when possible, and only go to a doctor when essential), whereas in Hong Kong doctors were typically consulted for minor ailments.

[NHS 111 will say that] as long as you are breathing, you are fine.

Again, poor English proficiency exacerbated challenges accessing healthcare and communicating with healthcare professionals, with interpreter services sometimes lacking.

When asked specifically about mental health services, some participants acknowledged that Hong Kongers could be dealing with post-traumatic stress disorder from their experiences in Hong Kong. At the same time, some participants reported that Hong Kongers do not subscribe to a culture which endorses seeking help with mental health.

Mental health is not really thought about much among Hong Kongers.

Despite this, some participants mentioned their own or other Hong Konger’s declining mental health as a result of moving and settling in the UK. For example, some had experienced an increased responsibility as they sought to navigate their new life in the UK or social isolation, particularly for those with limited English. For those who had tried to access mental health services in the UK, they reported struggling to find the support they needed both in terms of getting an appointment and overcoming language barriers in being able to express themselves fully. Some also highlighted the desire for opportunities to meet locals to combat loneliness and isolation, and to help them integrate in the UK.

Question 7

6. Interactions with central and local government

Accepted Answer

When asked about engagement with and perceptions toward the UK government, participants’ responses were reflective of wider UK public opinion. However, participants expressed greater trust in the UK government compared to the government of Hong Kong and BN(O)s expressed appreciation for the existence of the visa route. While awareness of the Welcome Programme name was low, participants were aware of the support available.

6.1 Engagement with central and local government

In general, participants did not distinguish between central and local government in the UK but, when prompted, they were able to give examples of times they had engaged with government services. Examples included paying taxes and fines, arranging bin collections, planning permission, driving licences, visa applications, and authorising professional qualifications. Registering to vote was also given as an example of engaging with the government, but not all participants had registered or saw the value in doing so, with a few feeling that it would be pointless and that their vote lacked influence on government policy.

6.1.1 Perceptions of UK government

While some remained indifferent towards the UK government, many participants’ perceptions chimed with those of the general UK public, with concerns raised about administrative efficiency and a lack of investment in and resources for public services. Participants felt that issues such as bankrupt local councils or industrial action among medical staff served as examples of mismanagement, but also had their own personal experiences of dealing with unresponsive local council service touchpoints.

Democracy is good, but the price is inefficiency.

When compared to the government in Hong Kong, participants often viewed the UK government as more trustworthy and “humane”. Although participants noted issues with the UK government, those who trusted government said this was because representatives are elected by the people and are therefore more accountable. At a broader level, they felt like they possessed the freedom of speech in the UK which was lacking in Hong Kong.

I have high trust in the UK government compared to the Hong Kong government.

Because I come from a place without democracy, so it’s good.

I have confidence in the UK government. Therefore, I came here…the government is more humane. As long as you are reasonable, they will accommodate you.

If I were in Hong Kong, I wouldn’t feel safe to say anything, or I just don’t think I have the freedom of speech anymore in Hong Kong, which is something I was taught that we had in Hong Kong when I was little…but the school curriculum is very different now….I feel more safe here to speak my mind if I have to.

Those with BN(O) visas also said that they were appreciative of the scheme as it gave them an opportunity to settle in the UK. However, there were some mentions of the UK having a degree of responsibility to support Hong Kongers as result of the 1997 handover, and that the current BN(O) visa route and associated support could do more. A handful mentioned the prohibitive cost of the BN(O) visa route, alongside the high cost of accessing other public services like NHS healthcare.

At least the UK government gives us the opportunity to come to the UK via the BN(O) visa. It is very kind of them. I should be grateful for this.

6.2 Experience of the Welcome Programme

Participants holding a BN(O) visa were asked about their awareness and experience of the Welcome Programme, which is funded by the UK government. Where participants were unsure, they were also prompted with a short summary of the Welcome Programme and the types of support it provides.

6.2.1 Awareness of the Welcome Programme

Awareness of the Welcome Programme brand was low among BN(O) participants. Most demonstrated some level of awareness of the support that is available for Hong Kongers in the UK: language classes, employment workshops and social groups were all highlighted by participants. However, participants were unsure whether this was provided by the UK government or other entities. Some participants referenced a ‘welcome pack’ but, after briefly reading it, reported that they were not clear about the next steps for them to take. For example, they found signposting from the Welcome Programme to different types of support was often not specific enough and, instead, would have benefited from direct links to websites and local services.

I don’t know what it’s doing. How can I access this support? If I need something, who should I go to?

I would say I know one or two things [examples of funded support] but I don’t exactly know the name of it.

Those who had heard of the Welcome Programme said that they found out about it through work or when working as volunteers to help other Hong Kongers move to and settle in the UK. Volunteering opportunities participants were involved with included working with charities, Church groups or even creating their own networks to help other Hong Kongers settle and integrate into the UK.

6.2.2 Experience of the Welcome Programme and other support

Most participants were unsure whether the support they had accessed was through the Welcome Programme or not. However, examples of support they had used included:

talks about life in the UK
English language classes
employment workshops (how to write a CV, how to be self-employed)
social clubs for Hong Kongers run by local charities
youth clubs for BN(O) children

Uncertainty as to whether or not this support was part of the Welcome Programme could be because participants were engaging with delivery partners or indirectly. Due to the popularity of and reliance on informal information-sharing on WhatsApp and other online groups, which is described earlier in this report, it is possible that some of these services were indeed provided by the Welcome Programme and promoted informally. One participant mentioned that they had heard about Welcome Hubs and the online welcome pack via a post on social media before moving to the UK.

6.2.3 Views on the Welcome Programme and other support

Views on the concept of the Welcome Programme were largely positive, with participants feeling that it showed that the UK government cared about Hong Kongers arriving through the BN(O) visa route and that it was good they were offering some support.

It’s better than nothing. At least I know the government cares about us.

The support available was also generally seen to be useful, with some expressing a desire to have known about it when they arrived in the UK. English language courses were highlighted as particularly helpful for those with limited English language proficiency. However, participants identified some limitations with the support, including that some courses tended to be too short and basic, and would only therefore be useful for those who had no knowledge of or connection with the UK.

Very helpful for people with zero understanding of the UK.

6.2.4 Barriers to accessing support

A number of barriers to accessing support via the Welcome Programme emerged when discussing participant experiences of settling in the UK. Firstly, many participants were unaware that they were eligible for support from the UK government or that BN(O)-specific support existed, and therefore did not actively engage with information about potential support when moving to the UK. There was also a sense among some that they did not need support, and an assumption that government support was just for those with significant financial difficulties. This was underpinned by a reluctance to seek help, which participants said was a common trait among Hong Kongers. There was a sense that pride could get in the way of Hong Kongers asking for support.

We have to use our own efforts to adapt into society instead of asking for help from others.

We’re reluctant to ask for help.

For myself…I don’t want to be known for taking up this service.

Some also had difficulties navigating the information from the government: they felt that the information packs were too long and difficult to understand, and they struggled to understand how to access the support that was on offer.

6.3 Support from government

Overall, participant responses suggested they felt supported by UK government, and those with BN(O) visas were grateful for the existence of the route. However, there were mixed views on the extent of desired support from the UK government and where the areas of specific need lay.

6.3.1 Confidence in government support

Participants often said they felt supported by the UK government, and that the BN(O) visa route was itself evidence of this support.

I think the government welcome people from Hong Kong. They put a lot of effort to settle these people.

The government have already helped me by offering a BN(O) visa with reasonable support.

In spite of the visa route, however, participants identified areas of concern that dampened their confidence in the support the UK government could provide. These included:

Policy changes: Potential changes to the BN(O) policy and British citizenship requirements such as extending the 5+1 policy requirement were concerning.
UK China policy: Some participants were concerned that the UK government is not strong enough against China or that it might soften its stance in future.
UK politics: Recent political changes in the UK, such as a succession of Prime Ministers, impacted participants trust in the UK government and its policies.

What if they [UK government] do not grant us the citizenship? Should we go back to Hong Kong? There isn’t a clear roadmap for this.

They [UK government] have to stay strong when they interact with the CCP, especially the [national] security law issue.

Some participants did not believe Hong Kongers should be reliant on support from the UK government, expressing concern about preferential treatment for Hong Kongers sparking broader anti-immigration sentiment against their community specifically.

6.3.2 Support needs

Areas where participants identified opportunities for additional support from the UK government tended to be largely practical, including support with living expenses when individuals first arrive in the UK (and are looking for work), more guidance on securing accommodation, language support focused on day-to-day vocabulary, and integration activities so that new arrivals can expand their network and accelerate their English proficiency. They also desired more guidance on navigating systems such as tax and national insurance, and accessing healthcare in the UK.

For BN(O) visa holders in particular, many felt that the BN(O) visa and associated fees could be prohibitive and wanted the UK government to reduce these costs. In terms of the Welcome Programme, participants suggested that greater awareness raising (particularly of the brand) was needed, as those who had not heard of the Programme agreed that it would have been useful for them.

I think the UK government needs to provide more practical support to Hong Kongers.

Question 8

7. Conclusions and recommendations

Accepted Answer

7.1 Conclusions

Generally, participants were relatively happy with their lives in the UK and were grateful for the support from the UK government in providing them with a BN(O) visa route.

Key factors that shaped individuals’ experiences in the UK were:

English language proficiency. This was the most important factor shaping their experience in the UK as it enabled opportunity, providing the required skills to prosper in all other parts of life (social, economic, cultural). Therefore, those with lower English language abilities found it more difficult to adjust and settle.

Reasons for moving to the UK. These shaped the mindset, attitude, and preparedness (such as financial stability, language skills, and social foundations) for people moving to the UK. Therefore, Hong Kongers who reported being displaced from Hong Kong for more political reasons may take longer to adjust to their new lives and require more support to do so compared to those who have opted to live in the UK for other reasons, such as taking advantage of the opportunities afforded by migration.

Social interactions. These were critical as they provided a support network for individuals moving to the UK, comprising either Hong Konger communities or British locals, depending on individual preferences. Connections with British locals enabled higher levels of integration, but did not necessarily provide more satisfaction with life, as engagement with both groups enabled critical questions to be answered and provided connections to jobs, friends, and a social life. The importance of online communities was also key in tackling initial isolation and providing answers to basic needs and questions about administrative tasks associated with migration.

Length of time in the UK. This often indicated how integrated Hong Kongers felt, though the exact timeframe required for individuals to feel integrated varied from person to person. Generally, there was a sense that things would improve with time.

7.2 Recommendations

In summary, this report finds that the following actions would be beneficial to the Hong Kong community in the UK, especially those who are still settling or arriving imminently.

English language support:

Courses. Improve availability and timing of language training sessions; elevate content to cover more immediate and day-to-day situations, including small talk, jargon and business English aimed at supporting individuals in the workplace.

Opportunities to interact. Provide opportunities for direct engagement with British citizens to support language learning by providing real-world English practice.

Language support. Provide more comprehensive and tailored interpretation services covering, for instance, English-to-traditional Chinese translations appropriate to individuals from Hong Kong.

Written communications. Ensure support services for Hong Kongers offer a variety of access modalities, providing individuals with an option to engage in written form rather than relying solely on in-person or live-speaking access. For example, ensuring services provide contact email addresses as well as telephone numbers would support individuals who are less confident using spoken English.

Administrative support:

Stable policy environment. Address concerns within the Hong Konger community about the longer-term future of the BN(O) visa route and the 5+1 citizenship policy.

Qualifications. Work to enable recognition and transfer of Hong Kong qualifications to the UK, particularly for well-represented sectors like teaching.

Evidence. Resolve potentially contradictory requirements for provision of evidence of employment to secure housing and a home address to secure employment.

Employment support:

Advice. Provide more substantive advice on job application processes in the UK, and how they differ compared with the situation in Hong Kong.

Promotion. Work to promote Hong Konger skills and qualifications to UK employers.

Education. Work to educate hiring teams about the BN(O) visa route, and its sponsorship and residency offer, to ensure Hong Kongers aren’t disadvantaged.

Cultural support:

Information. Expand and make process information more accessible on topics such as housing chains, tax systems and access to primary healthcare.

Culture. Provide more substantive advice on British culture and customs including, for instance, small talk.

Competency. Embed cultural competency in UK Government work and across delivery partners on the difference between Hong Kongers and other Chinese individuals and communities.

Question 9

Appendix

Accepted Answer

Table 8.1 The table below provides a demographic overview of those who took part in the research

		Total
Age	18-24	u
	25-34	11
	35-44	22
	45-54	11
	55-64	u
	65+	u
Gender	A man (including trans man)	25
	A woman (including trans woman)	24
	Non-binary	u
	In another way	u
National Identity (could select multiple options)	British	8
	Hong Konger	46
	Chinese	u
	None of the above	u
	In another way – Please specify	u
UK Residence	Greater London	14
	Southeast (outside of London)	6
	Southwest	5
	West Midlands	10
	Yorkshire & the Humber	u
	Northwest	6
	Northeast	u
	East Midlands	u
	East of England	u
	Northern Ireland	u
	Scotland	u
	Wales	u
Passport (could select multiple options)	British National (Overseas) passport	33
	Hong Kong Special Administrative Region passport	25
	British passport	12
	Chinese passport	u
	Other - Please specify	u

To safeguard against data disclosure, sample sizes less than 5 are replaced with a “u”.

Table 8.2 The table below provides an economic overview of those who took part in the research.

		Total
Accommodation Type	I own my home	20
	I rent it (including Housing Benefit or Local Housing Allowance)	28
	I live here rent-free (including rent-free in relative’s/friend’s property)	u
	Other - Please specify	u
Education	Primary school	u
	Secondary school up to 16 years	u
	Higher or secondary or further education (A-levels, HKDSE, etc.)	9
	College or university	20
	Post-graduate degree	19
	Prefer not to say	u
	Other - Please specify	u
Employment	Working full time (30+ hours per week)	25
	Working part time (up to 29 hours per week)	13
	Unemployed – seeking work	u
	Unemployed – not seeking work	u
	Long term disabled	u
	Stay at home to look after house/ family	u
	In full time education	u
	Retired	u
	Prefer not to say	u
Visa	A BN(O) Visa for myself	29
	A BN(O) Visa as a dependent (family member)	6
	Other – Please specify	15
	None of these	u