National statistics

How many people are detained or returned?

Published 23 February 2023

‘Immigration system statistics, year ending December 2022’ contents page.

This is not the latest release. View latest release.

Data relate to 2022 and all comparisons are with the calendar year 2019 (unless indicated otherwise), reflecting a comparison with the period prior to the (coronavirus COVID-19) pandemic.

Data on returns relate to the year ending September 2022, which is 3 months before the reporting on detention and other immigration system data. This is to allow more time for returns to be recorded on the system and ensure the published figures are an accurate representation of the number of returns. See the user guide for more details.

Year ending comparisons that follow will include impacts resulting from the restrictions in place during this period of the pandemic. All data include dependants, unless indicated otherwise.

1. Immigration detention

An individual may be detained under immigration powers under certain circumstances, for example, whilst their identity is being established, where there is a risk of absconding, or in support of the return of an individual with no legal right to be in the UK. Where an individual is being detained in support of a return, detention may continue lawfully only for as long as there is a realistic prospect of removal.

1.1 People entering immigration detention

20,446 people entered immigration detention in 2022, 16% fewer than in 2019, prior to the pandemic.

The profile of detainees and their reasons for entering and leaving detention has changed. In 2021 and 2022, a high proportion of those entering detention were small boat arrivals who have been detained in order to confirm their identity and register their asylum claim. Where an asylum claim can be considered (and rejected) in a reasonable time frame, detention is maintained for return. Where it cannot, the individual is released while their claim is considered. Prior to the pandemic, in contrast to the current situation, the predominant use of detention was preparation for a return.

Not all small boat arrivals enter the detention estate, as some are held in other accommodation for short periods of time in order to establish their health and safety, and secure their identity, before being dispersed to other appropriate accommodation. These short-term holding places would not be counted in this data. In 2022, the decline in the number of people entering detention may relate in part to the role of the new Manston facility in quicker routing and triage of small boat arrivals, allowing more individuals to move directly to community-based accommodation, rather than be held in immigration detention, following initial examination and checks.

Please see the user guide for more information on small boat arrivals.

Figure 1: People entering immigration detention in the UK, 2013 to 2022

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D01

Figure 1 shows there was a general downward trend in the number of people entering detention from the peak of around 32,400 people in 2015 to around 24,500 in 2019. During the pandemic, the number of people entering immigration detention reached a low of around 13,000 in the year ending March 2021.

The top 10 nationalities entering immigration detention recently are similar to the top nationalities of irregular arrivals to the UK via small boats. This emphasises the role immigration detention has played in managing these new arrivals. The exceptions are Romanians, Brazilians, and Poles, who are more likely to have entered immigration detention for other reasons, such as criminality or overstaying a visa.

Albanians were both the most common nationality arriving via small boat and the most common nationality entering detention in 2022. They accounted for 37% of the total entering detention, or 7,609 entrants, more than double pre-pandemic levels in 2019 (3,483). Albanians also feature prominently among Foreign National Offender numbers, as mentioned in section 2.2 below.

Afghans entering detention almost trebled in 2022 compared with 2019 from 463 to 1,336. This increase will be influenced by the rise in Afghans arriving via small boat in 2022.

There have also been notable increases for other nationalities prominent in small boat arrival numbers. The number of Syrians entering detention was 4.5 times higher in 2022 than in 2019, whilst the number of Egyptians was 3.5 times higher and Turkish nationals were almost double.

Most other nationalities (including Romanians, Brazilians, and Poles) entering detention but not prominent on the small boats route remained below pre-pandemic levels.

1.2 People in immigration detention

At the end of December 2022, there were 1,159 people held in immigration detention (including those detained under immigration powers in prison). This was 29% lower than immediately prior to the COVID-19 pandemic at the end of December 2019 (1,637).

Figure 2: People detained under immigration powers in the UK, by place of detention, as at the last day of the quarter, 31 March 2018 to 31 December 2022^1,2

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D02

Notes:

1. The ‘detention estate’ comprises Immigration Removal Centres (IRC), Short-Term Holding Facilities (STHF) and Pre-departure Accommodation (PDA). It is separate to those who are detained under Immigration powers in prisons – these are shown separately on the chart.

2. Data for the detention estate are sourced from each detention centre. Data for prisons are sourced from His Majesty’s Probation and Prisons Service (HMPPS). See the user guide for more information.

Figure 2 shows that the number of people detained in the detention estate fell immediately during the pandemic to a low of 330 at 30 June 2020. This compares with 1,278 at 31 December 2019. The number rose to 1,610 at 30 September 2022. However, it has fallen again to 765 at 31 December 2022.

The number of people detained in prisons under immigration powers increased, from 359 before the pandemic at 31 December 2019 to 665 at 31 December 2021. This increase over the pandemic may have reflected difficulties in securing returns due to the global travel restrictions and challenges around releasing some foreign national offenders (FNOs) into the community. Numbers have since decreased, with 394 people detained in prisons under immigration powers at 31 December 2022.

The number of people in detention relate to a specific point in time and are subject to daily fluctuations. For example, if a large number of small boat arrivals entered detention just before the end of the period, the number of people in detention would be higher than if the same arrivals occurred a few days later.

1.3 People leaving immigration detention

Figure 3 shows that the proportion of people who left detention in 2022 who were detained for 7 days or less was higher than in 2019 (48% compared to 39%). However, this proportion is substantially lower than in 2021 (76%).

Figure 3: People leaving immigration detention, by length of detention¹, 2018 to 2022

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D03

Notes:

1. < means ‘less than’.

People’s length of detention is often partly related to their reason for leaving detention.

The proportion of people who left detention because they were bailed has remained high (78% of those leaving detention in 2022). Bail was mostly granted due to an asylum (or other) application being raised. This suggests that detention is still being used to process new arrivals rather than solely in preparation for return. However, these people were detained for longer periods in 2022 than 2021, with 49% of people bailed spending 7 days or less in detention and 24% spending 8 to 28 days in detention, compared to 79% and 10% respectively in 2021.

The percentage of detainees returned from detention was lower in 2022 (21%, 4,088) compared to 2019 (37%, 9,081) and 2010 (64%, 16,577). However, it has increased compared to 2021 (13%, 3,098).

Figure 4: Top 10 nationalities leaving detention by reason for leaving^1,2, 2022

Source: Immigration detention - Det_D03

Notes:

1. Bailed Secretary of State (SoS) and Immigration Judge (IJ).

2. Other reasons for leaving detention include being sectioned under the Mental Health Act, entering criminal detention, being granted leave to enter or remain in the UK, and detained in error. See the user guide for more details.

Figure 4 shows that among the top 10 nationalities leaving detention in 2022, in most cases the individual was bailed. However, for Romanians (fourth), Brazilians (fifth), and Poles (tenth) the majority were returned, with a notable number of Albanians (823) also returned. Being returned is the more common outcome for individuals detained for criminality or overstaying.

2. Returns

The Home Office seeks to return people who do not have a legal right to stay in the UK. The different types of returns are grouped into 3 broad categories:

• enforced returns (people subject to administrative removal or deportation action which is carried out by the Home Office)

• voluntary returns (people who were liable to removal action or subject to immigration control but have left of their own accord, including with support from the Home Office)

• port returns (people who are refused entry to the UK and have subsequently departed)

2.1 Returns by return type

In the year ending September 2022, there were 3,531 enforced returns, 51% fewer than in 2019 pre-pandemic (7,198). The vast majority of enforced returns in the year ending September 2022 were of Foreign National Offenders (FNOs) and around a half (49%) were EU nationals.

Enforced returns have been declining since the peak in 2012 with the most recent fall related to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, as Figure 5 shows. The number of enforced returns were very low during quarters that coincided with ‘lockdowns’ starting in late March 2020 and early January 2021 (363 and 430). Numbers have increased to over 1,000 during July to September 2022; however, this is still below the pre-pandemic levels in 2019 (which saw around 1,800 returns per quarter).

In the year ending September 2022, there were 8,894 voluntary returns. Voluntary returns have continued to show signs of returning to pre-pandemic levels following the lifting of COVID-19 travel restrictions and have increased by around a half (48%) compared with the previous year. However, the overall voluntary returns figures were still 29% lower compared with 2019 (12,574), reflecting the long-term downward trend since 2015. Numbers recorded as voluntary returns are subject to upward revision, so recent figures should be treated with caution; for further information see the ‘About the statistics’ section.

There were 22,297 passengers who were refused entry at port and subsequently departed (‘port returns’) in the year ending September 2022. This represents the highest number of port returns in over 10 years. The number of port returns fell substantially between April to September 2020 as very few passengers arrived in the UK immediately following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of port returns has increased as more passengers began to arrive to the UK, with this type of return now 21% higher compared with 2019 (18,464).

The nationality make-up of port returns has changed. Prior to leaving the EU, port returns of EU nationals in 2020 accounted for only 17% of all port returns; however, in the year ending September 2022 they accounted for 61%.

Figure 5: Returns from the UK, by type of return, year ending September 2013 to year ending September 2022

Source: Returns - Ret_D01

The longer-term fall in enforced and voluntary returns is due to a number of factors, including tighter screening of passengers prior to travel and changes in visa processes and regimes.

The majority of enforced returns occurred from detention. As reported in the Home Office research ‘Issues raised by people facing return in immigration detention’ (2021), 73% of people detained within the UK following immigration offences in 2019 were recorded as having raised one or more ‘issues’ that may have prevented their return. These issues included raising an asylum claim, legal challenge, or a claim to be a potential victim of modern slavery or human trafficking.

Figure 6 shows that between 2016 and 2019, enforced returns of both EU and non-EU nationals declined (continuing the longer-term trend for non-EU nationals since 2012). Numbers of enforced returns of EU and non-EU nationals have been at similar levels following the COVID-19 pandemic.

Figure 6: Enforced returns from the UK, for EU and non-EU nationals, year ending September 2013 to year ending September 2022

Source: Returns - Ret_D01

Out of the top 5 nationalities for enforced returns, 4 were European (3 from the EU) and accounted for over two thirds of enforced returns in the year ending September 2022 – these were nationals of Albania (25%), Romania (19%), Poland (8%), and Lithuania (7%). Brazil (9%) was the only non-European nationality in the top 5.

Whilst enforced returns are still low compared with pre-pandemic levels they have started to increase and are 24% higher than in the year ending September 2021. This is in part driven by Albanians whose enforced returns have increased by 42% compared with the previous year (up to 900 from 635).

2.2 Returns of foreign national offenders (FNOs)

In the year ending September 2022, there were 2,958 FNOs returned from the UK, of which 58% were EU nationals (1,706). FNO returns are a subset of total returns figures and in the year ending September 2022 were a large proportion of enforced returns and 24% of enforced and voluntary returns combined.

Figure 7 shows that FNO returns increased slightly following the pandemic, driven by returns of non-EU nationals (mainly Albanians). However, FNO returns for the year ending September 2022 were 42% lower than in 2019 (2,958, down from 5,128). FNO returns fell between 2016 and 2020. During this time returns of EU nationals were almost double that of non-EU nationals, but this gap closed considerably in 2021.

Figure 7: Returns of FNOs¹ from the UK, for EU and non-EU nationals, year ending September 2013 to year ending September 2022

Source: Returns - Ret_D03

Notes:

1. An FNO is someone who is not a British citizen and is, or was, convicted in the UK of any criminal offence, or convicted abroad for a serious criminal offence.

2.3 Asylum related returns

The method for classifying asylum-related returns has changed and has resulted in more returns being classified as asylum-related. Please see section 3.2 for more information on methodology.

Data for the last 24 months (1 October 2020 to 30 September 2022) have been revised (in line with the rest of the returns data, as mentioned in section 3.2 below) with the new classification method. Asylum-related returns that occurred before this period have not been revised so comparisons cannot be made between asylum-related returns that occurred before and after 1 October 2020. To illustrate the impact of the change, asylum-related returns in the year ending June 2022 increased from 811 before revisions to 2,019 afterwards – an increase of 149%.

Asylum related returns accounted for 6% of total returns in the year ending September 2022, the same proportion as the previous year.

In the year ending September 2022, there were 2,192 returns of people who had previously claimed asylum in the UK (see section 3.2 below for the definition of an asylum-related return). This represents a 49% increase compared to the previous year (1,470).

3. About the statistics

The underlying casework systems on which this data are based are undergoing a process of change and therefore the published numbers may change in future quarters. Ongoing data quality checks do not at present suggest any large impacts from these changes will be apparent. For more information on this please see the user guide.

3.1 Immigration detention

The statistics in this section show the number of entries into, and departures from, detention for those held solely under immigration powers. One individual may enter or leave detention multiple times in a given period and will therefore have been counted multiple times in the statistics. Statistics on foreign nationals held in prison for criminal offences are published by the Ministry of Justice in ‘Offender management statistics quarterly’.

The detention estate comprises immigration removal centres (IRC), short-term holding facilities (STHF) and pre-departure accommodation (PDA).

The data exclude those held under immigration powers in HM prisons (prior to July to September 2017), police cells, short-term holding rooms at ports and airports (including Manston immigration processing centre), and those recorded as detained under both criminal and immigration powers and their dependants.

‘In detention’ data for the number of people in the detention estate as at 31 December 2022 has been sourced from each detention centre’s daily population lists. ‘In detention’ data for the number of people in prisons for the week commencing 2 January 2023 (the closest available date to 31 December 2022) have been sourced from His Majesty’s Probation and Prisons Service (HMPPS) list of immigration detainees. For more information, please see the user guide.

Data on those entering detention, by place of detention, relate to the place of initial detention. An individual who moves from one part of the detention estate to another will not have been counted as entering any subsequent place of detention. The data, therefore, do not show the total number of people who entered each part of the detention estate.

Data on those in detention relate to those in detention on the last day of the quarter and are therefore subject to daily fluctuations and can depend on how many people entered detention just before the end of the period.

Data on those leaving detention, by place of detention, relate to the place of detention immediately prior to being released. An individual who moves from one part of the detention estate to another has not been counted as leaving each part of the detention estate. The data, therefore, do not show the total number of people who left each part of the detention estate.

From July 2017, data on detention of immigration detainees in prisons are included in the immigration detention figures upon entering immigration detention within prison. Therefore, data from July to September 2017 onwards are not directly comparable with earlier data. Further details of these changes can be found in the user guide.

Data on the number of children entering detention is subject to change. This will be as a result of further evidence of an individual’s age coming to light, such as an age assessment. Further details can be found in the user guide.

Data on deaths in detention include any death of an individual while detained under immigration powers in an IRC, STHF, PDA, under escort, or after leaving detention if the death was as a result of an incident occurring while detained or where there is some credible information that the death might have resulted from their period of detention and the Home Office has been informed. The annual data for 2021 are included in table Det_05b in the Detention summary tables. Further details can be found in the user guide.

3.2 Returns

Data on returns are published a quarter behind to allow more time for returns (particularly ‘other verified returns’) to be entered on the system prior to publication, ensuring that the published data are an accurate representation of the number of returns. We routinely revise the latest 8 quarters of data as part of each quarterly release. Therefore, data for the most recent 8 quarters should be considered provisional. Further details on the revisions can be found in the returns section of the user guide.

The statistics in this section show the number of returns from the UK. One individual may have been returned more than once in a given period and, if that was the case, would be counted more than once in the statistics.

The Home Office seeks to return people who do not have a legal right to stay in the UK. This includes people who:

• enter, or attempt to enter, the UK illegally (including people entering clandestinely and by means of deception on entry)
• are subject to deportation action; for example, due to a serious criminal conviction
• overstay their period of legal right to remain in the UK
• breach their conditions of leave
• have been refused asylum

The term ‘deportations’ refers to a legally defined subset of returns, which are enforced either following a criminal conviction, or when it is judged that a person’s removal from the UK is conducive to the public good. The published statistics refer to enforced returns which include deportations, as well as cases where a person has breached UK immigration laws, and those removed under other administrative and illegal entry powers that have declined to leave voluntarily. Figures on deportations, which are a subset of enforced returns, are not separately available.

Data on voluntary returns are subject to upward revision, so comparisons over time should be made with caution. In some cases, individuals who have been told to leave the UK will not notify the Home Office of their departure from the UK. In such cases, it can take some time for the Home Office to become aware of such a departure and update the system. As a result, data for more recent periods will initially undercount the total number of returns. ‘Other verified returns’ are particularly affected by this.

Improved linking between return and asylum case working systems means asylum-related returns are captured more accurately. Changes to the way asylum-related returns are classified have been made from 23 February 2023 with data from 1 October 2020 onwards having been revised. Data before 1 October 2020 have not been revised so comparisons cannot be made for returns before and after this period.

Asylum-related returns relate to cases where there has been an asylum claim or further submission at some stage prior to the return. This will include asylum seekers whose asylum claims have been withdrawn, refused and who have exhausted any rights of appeal, those returned under third-country provisions, as well as those granted asylum/protection but removed for other reasons (such as criminality).

Information on harm assessment categories (currently published in table Ret_06 in the accompanying summary data tables) are being discontinued in future editions of this publication due to changes in the availability of this data.

In the ‘Immigration detention’ tables, the number of people ‘returned’ under ‘reason for leaving detention’ includes people who were refused entry at port in the UK who were subsequently detained and then departed the UK. However, in the ‘Returns’ tables, the number of returns from detention do not include those people, and so will be lower.

Prior to the UK leaving the EU, certain individuals applying for international protection (asylum) could be returned from the UK to the relevant EU member state that was deemed responsible for examining the application, under the Dublin Regulation. Data on returns, and requests for transfer out of the UK under the Dublin Regulation, by article and country of transfer, are available from Asylum data tables. Strengthened inadmissibility rules came into effect on 1 January 2021, following the UK’s departure from the EU. Data on cases dealt with under the inadmissibility rules, for January 2021 to September 2022, can be found in the How many people do we grant protection to? section. Further details on the Dublin Regulation and inadmissibility rules are set out in the user guide.

Prior to the UK leaving the EU, nationals from the EU could be returned for abusing or not exercising Treaty rights or deported on public policy grounds (such as criminality).

Eurostat publishes a range of enforcement data from EU member states. These data can be used to make international comparisons.

3.3 Windrush Scheme

The Windrush generation refers to people from Caribbean countries who were invited by the British government between 1948 and 1971 to migrate to the UK as it faced a labour shortage due to the destruction caused by World War 2. Not all of these migrants have documentation confirming their immigration status and, therefore, some may have been dealt with under immigration powers.

Data relating to the Windrush compensation scheme are published as part of the Home Office Transparency data.

4. Data tables

Data referred to here can be found in the following tables:

• Immigration detention summary tables

• Detailed immigration detention datasets

• Returns summary tables

• Detailed returns datasets

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